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Telicity, Change, and StateA Cross-Categorial View of Event Structure$
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Violeta Demonte and Louise McNally

Print publication date: 2012

Print ISBN-13: 9780199693498

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: September 2012

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693498.001.0001

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Parameter theory and motion predicates

Parameter theory and motion predicates

(p.279) 11 Parameter theory and motion predicates
Telicity, Change, and State

William Snyder

Oxford University Press

Talmy's (2000) verb-framed/satellite-framed typology is examined from the perspective of parameter theory. The objectives and methods of typology, versus parameter theory, are contrasted. The Compounding Parameter (TCP, Snyder 2001) is argued to play an important role in many constructions typical of satellite-framed languages. Yet, other points of variation interact with TCP, such as whether the language has “incremental” Ps (Gehrke 2008), and whether V is allowed to take a small-clause complement. Washios (1997) distinction between weak and strong resultatives is reinterpreted as a distinction between AP-resultatives and SC-resultatives. A similar distinction is proposed in the domain of motion predicates: In a [+TCP] language that has both SC-complements and incremental Ps, an accomplishment event can be constructed by combining a pure manner-of-motion verb with either an incremental PP (denoting a path), or a locative SC (denoting a result state). Evidence is considered from English, Spanish, Russian, and Japanese.

Keywords:   parameter, language typology, Talmy, motion, path, preposition/postposition, resultative, small clause

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