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Syntax over TimeLexical, Morphological, and Information-Structural Interactions$
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Theresa Biberauer and George Walkden

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199687923

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: April 2015

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199687923.001.0001

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The evolution of inherent Case in the diachrony of Greek

The evolution of inherent Case in the diachrony of Greek

Chapter:
(p.197) 12 The evolution of inherent Case in the diachrony of Greek
Source:
Syntax over Time
Author(s):

Dimitris Michelioudakis

Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199687923.003.0012

Despite the loss of the dative as a morphologically distinct case in Greek, dative arguments still display a syntactic behaviour befitting inherently Case‐marked arguments. Nevertheless, there are clear differences between earlier and later grammars/varieties with regard to the participation of goal arguments in dative alternations, the strength of the person restrictions they give rise to, the defective intervention effects induced by different types of datives in dative‐above-nominative configurations (psych predicates, raising, theme passives) and their A‐movability. This chapter proposes a distinction between two types of inherent Case and attributes the changes discussed to the rise of an active inherent Case feature, first for goal/recipient DPs, triggered by the reanalysis of A’‐scrambling in double DP frames as dative movement to Spec‐Appl, and eventually for all datives in some modern varieties. The syntactic change is shown to be not directly motivated by morphological change, but merely facilitated by it.

Keywords:   inherent Case, dative, person restriction, defective intervention, Greek

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