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Sluicing: Cross-Linguistic Perspectives$
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Jason Merchant and Andrew Simpson

Print publication date: 2012

Print ISBN-13: 9780199645763

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: September 2012

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199645763.001.0001

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How do you sluice when there is more than one CP?

How do you sluice when there is more than one CP?

Chapter:
(p.40) 3 How do you sluice when there is more than one CP?
Source:
Sluicing: Cross-Linguistic Perspectives
Author(s):

Jeroen van Craenenbroeck

Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199645763.003.0003

This chapter explores the interaction between the split-CP hypothesis and the syntax of sluicing. If there is more than one CP-projection, there is potential variation as to which part of the clausal structure is deleted by sluicing. When wh-movement targets a low CP-layer, IP is deleted, but when it targets a high CP-layer, it can be either IP or a low CP-projection that is deleted. The chapter argues for a significant difference between simple and complex wh-phrases, in which the former move from their theta positions through a lower CP-projection (CP2) onto a higher one (CP1), while the latter are directly base-generated in SpecCP1. The chapter then examines the consequences of this proposal for the syntax of sluicing, showing how “swiping” and “spading” constructions in Dutch and Frisian indicate that in sluicing with complex wh-phrases, CP2 is deleted, while in sluicing with simple wh-phrases, IP is deleted.

Keywords:   sluicing, swiping, spading, split-CP hypothesis

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