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The Complementizer PhaseSubjects and Operators$
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E. Phoevos Panagiotidis

Print publication date: 2010

Print ISBN-13: 9780199584352

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: September 2010

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584352.001.0001

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(Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon

(Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon

Chapter:
(p.33) 3 (Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon
Source:
The Complementizer Phase
Author(s):

George Kotzoglou

Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584352.003.0003

This chapter examines the lack of Subject Condition violations in null subject languages (and, most prominently, Greek). The chapter proposes that Subject Condition effects are due to a prohibition on multiple phase‐internal movement. Modifying Nunes's (1999, 2004) proposal, and in the spirit of Richards (2001, 2006), Boeckx (2003, 2008) the chapter argues for a Restriction on Copy Reduction, an anti‐locality princple which bans the PF‐silencing of more than one movement copies of a single element within the lifespan of a syntactic phase. It is shown that this principle follows as soon as we assume that the notion ‘chain’ has no place in a derivational model of grammar.

Keywords:   Subject Condition, CED, Condition on Extraction Domains, phase, Restriction on Copy Reduction, RCR, Phonetic Form, PF

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