A locality condition stated in terms of events raises questions concerning modularity. Why can a syntactic condition be constrained by semantic factors. Attempts to syntacticize the Single Event Grouping Condition by mapping aspects of event structure into syntax are rejected. Instead, the semantic influence on syntactic operations is related to evidence that semantic factors locally influence incremental syntactic processing. We end with a brief sketch of an implementation in Gibson's Dependency Locality Theory. This theory measures locality in terms of discourse referents, and so penalizes the proliferation of discourse referents such as events. Although only an outline is provided, this approach has instant empirical benefits, and promises to provide a principled explanation for the apparent nonmodularity of the Single Event Grouping Condition.
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