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The Structure of Words at the Interfaces$
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Heather Newell, Máire Noonan, Glyne Piggott, and Lisa deMena Travis

Print publication date: 2017

Print ISBN-13: 9780198778264

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: June 2017

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198778264.001.0001

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Nested phase interpretation and the PIC

Nested phase interpretation and the PIC

Chapter:
(p.20) 2 Nested phase interpretation and the PIC
Source:
The Structure of Words at the Interfaces
Author(s):
Heather Newell
Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198778264.003.0002

This chapter investigates phonological, morphological, and syntactic phenomena, aiming to demonstrate that the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001) is epiphenomenal. The chapter therefore builds on the argumentation in Bošković (2007, 2014). It is demonstrated that the PIC cannot hold in the syntax, as the operations Merge (Late Adjunction), Move (post-spell-out movement), and Agree (long-distance Agree) can all be shown to cross phase boundaries. Morphological operations such as the anti-cyclic merger of morphemes (Late Adjunction) and spell-out of lower copies of a chain demonstrate the same permeability of the previously interpreted domains of phases. In the pure phonology, data displaying the effects of Phonological Merger (Newell and Piggott 2014) and Infixation demonstrate that phonological domains are not opaque for phonological operations, and that this transparency is not limited to phonological edges.

Keywords:   Phase Impenetrability Condition, epiphenomenon, Late Adjunction, Phonological Merger, morphosyntactic and phonological cycles

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