(p.187) Appendix 3 P. Turin 1940+1941
(p.187) Appendix 3 P. Turin 1940+1941
The main portion of the preserved text consists of three columns1: column x+1 contains the ends of eleven lines; column x+2 includes ten lines of mostly preserved text; column x+3 contains the beginning of ten lines, with an additional fragment belonging to this column.2 The majority of the text is written in black ink, with red ink used for section divisions, a few individual words, and supralinear dots (see pp. 104–104 above). In addition to the main text, there are two hieroglyphs representing a standing official (, Gardiner A21) above column x+2; for this extra-textual use of hieroglyphic signs, one may compare the “frisky horses” that appear above the text in P. Sallier III.3 A two-line “jotting” that goes across the verso of col. x+2 and x+3 is written in a looser hand and a different ductus than the literary text on the recto and appears to be the fragmentary beginning of a letter.4
1 […] Menkheper[re], l.p.h. [… ]
2 […] Menkheperre, l.p.h.° [… ]
3 […] we go [… ]
4 […] terror(?) of my [… ]
5 […gra]ss(?).°The speech [… ]
6 […] how is it? [… ]
7 […] he […] the […]
(p.188) Transliteration and Translation (Fragment 2, Recto)
1 […] petitions, char[iotry(?)… ]
2 […] 7 [months] [and x] days […]
Transliteration (Column x+1–x+3)
Translation (Column x+1–x+3)
1 […] your he[art], my […]
2[…] come(?)to me!” Then he heard the […]
3[…] that which they said to me was good […]
4[…] answer, and I […]
5[…] his face, °and I shall make […]
6[…grass] for the mouth(s) of my chariot [horses]
7[…] taking up weapons.
8[…Paser, son of Ta]atja. °And I
9[…] Apiru. °Then […]
10[…the enemies(?)] whom you smote by means of 1,900 x+1, 11 [chariots(?)]
[…] Darkness fell x+2, 1before me.°
[I] found [him li]ke a bird, pinioned in the grasp of a fowler,
he (the bird) being unable to hide himself.°
Now after a 2 long while, Paser, son of Taatja responded:
“Allow me to speak, and thus you will make your heart firm, o King Menkheperre, l.p.h.°
(p.190) 3 Look, Amun-Re, king of the gods, your good father, has come to you,
so that he might do for you all things that are in your heart.”
(Thutmose III speaks:) “I found my heart courageous, my heart 4in joy.
all that (I) had done having succeeded.
<I was> like Montu,°
while their (chariot) spans became like Seth, great of strength,°
Baal 5 in [his] moment.
I was shooting on the right °and capturing on the left.
I acted with my (own) hand °to the south of 6Amun, king of the gods°
[…], may you cause that there come to me a rebellious wind,°
in which are three Montu-gods, °
they hiding 7[…] gold. °
Montu lord of Armant at my right [arm];°
Montu, lord of Tod, at my 8 [left arm].”
[Montu] lord of Thebes was making destruction [among] them,°
before the king Menkheperre, l.p.h. °
I found that which x+2, 9Amun-[Ra king of the gods…] did [… ]
[…] of great lions who rage [against them?]
he being overthrown together with their charix+2, 10ots.
[…King Me]nkheper[re], l.p.h., struck down the [com]mander of the female
donkey of the ruler of Kharu,
x+3, 1 as he was smiting […]x+3, 2chariot teams [… ]
[…]3great […] of Kharu […]4 army [… ]
5and they [… ]
[…]6King [Menkheperre, l.p.h….] my army [… ]
7wives […] total of the various […] of the foreign lands [… ]
[Lo] 8ok […] that which […] did for me [… ]
9Amun […flig]ht which you caused […]10do […]Amun-Re, king of the gods, the vizier who judges […]
Transliteration and Translation (Fragment 1, Verso)
1[…Amun] king of the gods, give [… ]
2[…] Re(?), king Menkheperre [l.p.h…. ]
3[…] day(?) of your oath-making [… ]
4[…] my lifetime [… ]
5[…] going forth [… ]
6[…] I was saying [… ]
7[…] lifetime(?) […]
Transliteration and Translation (Fragment 2, Verso)
1[…king] Menkheperre [l.p.h…. ]
2[…] likewise the […]
Fragment 1, recto, line 5: The lack of context here precludes any definite readings; the plant determinative () in close proximity to the word recalls the passage in col. x+1, ln. 6, which itself is paralleled by the feeding of chariot horses in The Capture of Joppa (see p. 79 above). However, the word here may refer to speech rather than a body part.
Fragment 2, recto, line 1: The term commonly describes an appeal to a god or the king (Wb. IV, 104, 5–10). Keeping with the military genre of Thutmose III in Asia, one may compare Ramesses II’s speech to his cowardly army at the Battle of Kadesh: “(For) everyone of you who requested a petition (spr.w), I said (lit. did), ‘Behold I will act on his behalf every single day!’”5 One of the countless examples of petitioning the divine may be found in another member of the LES corpus: in The Tale of the Two Brothers, Bata cries out to Re as his elder brother seeks revenge for a false offense, and Re “hears all of his petitions ().”6
Fragment 2, recto, line 2: The hieratic traces before the number fit an orthography of “month”; the missing portion of the h in hrw indicates that some ink may have flaked off the sign below the lunar crescent, which can be read as a w-coil or, less likely, a sun-disk (for the “open” form of the sun-disk, compare the writing of in in col. x+2, ln. 8). The significance of the possible restoration of “seven months” is discussed above, p. 107.
Column x+1, line 2: The alternation between first and third person pronouns suggests that the walking legs followed by the dative is the end of an imperative, and the likely candidate, “come,” is restored here to give the overall sense of the passage, although any number of verbs of (p.192) motion could have originally been written. The next statement, , appears to be a contingent expression ( + prospective 7) following the imperative as direct speech;8 without additional context, further consideration of the (often difficult) differentiation between the particle (from “to fall”) and the bound contingent construction is unnecessary.9
Column x+1, line 5: The construction appears to be a Late Egyptian use of the finalis,10 a form more commonly found in Demotic11 and Coptic.12 The use of the first person in the construction provides another rare example of such in earlier phases of Egyptian.13 The fragmentary text in column x+1 suggests that the king hears favorable reports (about troop movements?), and will take some action as a result, as expressed in the finalis.
Column x+1, line 10: The phrase appears again in col. x+3, ln. 2; for a number followed by , compare several examples in the Kadesh Battle Poem.14 2500 “He found 2500 chariots surrounding him on his escape route.”
Column x+2, line 1: A bird with pinioned wings is a common metaphor in ancient Egyptian texts;15 as noted above, the description of both foreigners and native Egyptians as types of birds lends flexibility and depth to the image in Thutmose III in Asia (see pp. 109–109). One of the closest parallels to the phraseology in Thutmose III in Asia appears in the Late Egyptian Miscellanies; P. Anastasi V describes the “the hot person”16 in the following terms:17 “He is as a bird pinioned in a person’s hand, he is unable to find any manner of flight.” From the realm of military texts, the use of the verb , “to pinion,” is ubiquitous in the records of Ramesses III. In P. Harris I, col. 76, lns. 10–11, the Shasu are pinioned (), brought as plunder, and presented to the Ennead as -servants,18 and in col. 77, ln. 11, describing the conclusion of the Year 11 Libyan war, Ramesses III describes his captives as “pinioned () like birds before my horses.”19 Similar examples abound in the hieroglyphic records of Ramesses III’s military activities, describing the pinioning of enemies from throughout the Egyptian world.20
The phrase utilizes a negative aorist, the construction with specifically negating ability;21 Botti, followed by Spalinger,22 translates this as “whose secret he does not know.” Yet the “secret” in question is a mystery and no parallels are forthcoming. Although the verb is written , Fischer-Elfert23 reads the word as a misspelling of “to spread,” translating the passage as “Er konnte sich nicht ausbreiten”; this (p.193) emendation is well supported by examples of confused writings of as and vice versa and fits the avian context of the passage.24 The translation offered here—“he being unable to hide himself”—does not require any emendation of the text and also works well within the context of the story, but “to spread” should be considered a likely alternative.
Column x+2, lines 1–2: The phrase “now after a long while” is one of many expressions within the corpus of LES that express the passage of time within the narrative;25 although less common than other phrases utilizing , the passage in Thutmose III in Asia finds a parallel in The Contendings of Horus and Seth col. 4, ln. 1.26
Column x+2, line 2: Paser’s filiation uses the Late Egyptian possessive pronoun “he of” rather than the more usual “son.”27 Previous translators have emended the first part of Paser’s speech to “Let me say to you.”28 Without emendation the imperative can be followed by a subjunctive 29 and ethical dative, which also gives a logical sense to the passage. The following form is an “initial conjunctional main clause,”30 here following an imperative.31
Column x+2, line 3: The phrase in is added above the line as a correction.
Column x+2, lines 3–4: The expression “courageous of heart” is well attested in Egyptian documents, including Sinuhe’s praise of Senwosret I: “He is courageous of heart when he sees multitudes.”32 The autobiography of Amenemhab, who fought alongside Thutmose III, provides another interesting parallel for Paser’s speech:33
- He (Thutmose III) desiring that I be at his side (lit. feet34);
- and that while he was on the battlefield,
- his victory and strength making the heart courageous.
Column x+2, line 5: Popko has suggested that the phrase refers to Thutmose III giving hand-signals to Amun, noting a parallel in the Late Egyptian Miscellanies:35
- You are a deaf person, unable to hear,
- to whom one “acts with the hand” (i.e. makes hand-signals).
(p.194) However, the Late Egyptian Miscellanies passage describes an idle scribe, and the claim of deafness and the need for sign language is clearly derogatory. No examples of hand-signals in combat are forthcoming, and one would expect instead a mention of standards or other more effective signaling devices.
Column x+2, line 6: The “hostile wind” (Wb. IV 89.1) finds numerous parallels in the “storminess” of the king in battle, as noted above, p. 114. Contrary winds also appear in contemporaneous funerary literature,36 such as in an annotation to four goddesses riding on serpents in the Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat: “It is from the faces of these goddesses that the hostile wind and uproarious wind come forth.”37
Column x+2, line 9: After the word “lion” and the adjective “great,” the hieratic text is broken, but the traces of a first-h may fit with a reading “to rage” (Wb. V 136.10–15) or “to harm, be violent” (Wb. V 137.2–15), verbs whose meanings can interchange in Late Egyptian.38 The king often manifests as a roaring and brave lion, a metaphor that becomes concrete in the depiction of an actual lion in Ramesses II’s camp at the Battle of Kadesh.39 However, the ink traces above the possible k-basket still do not find a satisfactory explanation.
The word at the end of line 9, beginning with the group mr, could be restored as chariot () or chariot warrior (), but with the new placement of a fragment (see Figure 4.1), the former is now certain.
Column x+2, line 10: Between the verb and the genitive “of the female donkey of the ruler of Kharu” is a single masculine noun that is determined with a striking man,40 and the noun “commander” (Wb. IV 218.1–3)41 should be restored, since the damaged hieratic sign before the striking man is parallel to the orthography of in Frag. 1, ln. 3.
Column x+3, line 2: For a parallel to , see the note to col. x+1, ln. 10 (p. 192).
Column x+3, line 3: The term does not modify “foreign lands,” but appears to refer to objects that precede the word “total ().”
Column x+3, line 10: Amun-Re is here called by his typical epithet “king of the gods” as well as “vizier who judges […].” As Popko has noted, two possible restorations of Amun’s epithet are possible: or .42 Considering the role of the gods in the judgment of enemies, such as in the Victory Stela of Merneptah (see p. 123), the latter is perhaps more likely.
(1) The total measurements of the preserved portion of the first three columns are 36.2 cm long, and 19.5 cm high. The extant text in column x+1 is 5 cm wide; the lines of column x+2 are not of even length, ranging from 25 cm (line 1) to 27.3 cm (line 10); column x+3 is unevenly preserved, with between 1 and 3 cm of the beginning of the column, with an additional fragment (maximum height (p.271) 8.8 cm x maximum length 6.3 cm) containing additional portions of lines 6–10. I would like to thank Sara Caramello for her detailed measurements of the papyrus.
(2) Botti, JEA 41 (1955): pls. 16–18; an additional fragment was placed in column x+1, lns. 8–11 and column x+3, ln. 10, through the work of Roccati (as represented in the photograph in Eggebrecht, ed., Ägyptens Aufstieg zur Weltmach, 192).
(3) Spalinger, Transformation of an Egyptian Narrative, x.
(4) Botti, JEA 41 (1955): pl. 18: “The scribe of the temple, pure of arms, Montu(em)waset, (son of) Pen[…] king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatre / to the effect that I say to Amun-Re, king of the gods.”
(5) KRI II, 58, lns. 6–11.
(6) Two Brothers, col. 6, lns. 5–6 (= Gardiner, LES 15, 13); the king can also make petitions of the gods—again, among the many examples, compare the statement in the Wadi Mia inscription of Seti I (KRI I 66, l. 12): … “Look god has carried out my petitions, conducting for me water upon the mountains…”.
(7) Junge, Late Egyptian Grammar, 140–141; Winand, Études de néo-égyptien 1, 231–236.
(8) For an alternate reading of see Popko, http://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/servlet/S02?wc=298123&db=0.
The situation however, is perhaps not that simple, since the Middle Egyptian message auxiliary has values not always very different from those of the Late Egyptian particle , insofar it is a sequential marker. For L.E. headed constructions and L.E. sequential forms (conjunctive; ) are mutually incompatible, which suggests that they belong to the same paradigmatic class.
(11) Johnson, Demotic Verbal System, 178–179.
(12) Layton, A Coptic Grammar, 283–285 (termed the “future conjunctive”); he notes that the first person form is “rare” (sect. 357).
(15) Wb. V 578.8–10; Grapow, Die bildlichen Ausdrücke, 85.
(16) On this figure in ancient Egyptian texts, see Fischer-Elfert, Abseits von Maat, 148–158.
(18) Grandet, Papyrus Harris I, vol. 2, 245, n. 922.
(19) Grandet, Papyrus Harris I, vol. 2, 252, n. 928.
(20) Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, vol. 1, pl. 11, ln. 4 (Nubians = KRI V 9, ln. 5); pl. 24, ln. 4 (Libyans = KRI V 19, ln. 3); pl. 26, ln. 12 (Libyans = KRI V 20, ln. 2); pl. 27, ln. 37 (Libyans = KRI V 23, ln. 13); pl. 28, ln. 54 (Sea Peoples); idem, Medinet Habu, vol. 2, pl. 98, ln. 6 (Amorites); most of these examples, and the P. Harris I parallels, were also noted in Fischer-Elfert, SAK 27 (1999): 82, n. 59.
(22) In Lesko, ed., Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A. Parker, 155.
(23) SAK 27 (1999): 81–82.
(24) See the examples in Fischer-Elfert, SAK 27 (1999): 82, n. 61; for religious compositions showing the same confusion, compare the writing of for in the Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat (Manassa, Late Egyptian Underworld, 355–356, text note b).
(25) Hintze, Untersuchungen zu Stil und Sprache, 7–30; the spelling also appears in The Quarrel of Apepi and Seqenenre and The Contendings of Horus and Seth.
(27) Junge, Late Egyptian Grammar, 53–54; for the Coptic descendant of this form, see Layton, Coptic Grammar, sect. 54.
(29) Compare Černy and Groll, Late Egyptian Grammar, 454–457 (note particularly ex. 1240).
(30) Černy and Groll, Late Egyptian Grammar, 404–407.
(31) Sweeny, Correspondence and Dialogue, 49; for this passage, see also idem, in Hasitzka et al., eds., Das alte Ägypten und seine Nachbarn, 145.
(32) Sinuhe B58–59; see also Gardiner, Notes on the Story of Sinuhe, 35.
(33) Urk. IV 890, lns. 11–13.
(34) The ancient idiom effectively conveys the king being in the chariot, so to be at the king’s side is to be at his feet.
(35) http://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/servlet/S02?wc=298362&db=0, citing P. Koller 2,5 (= Gardiner, LEM, 117, ln. 16–18, ln. 17; Caminos, LEM, 132.
(36) For a later example of the , see Rosati, in Osing and Rosati, Papiri Geroglifici e ieratici da Tebtynis, 195–196 and n. 24.
(37) Hornung, Texte zum Amduat, vol. 3, 763; for commentary to this passage, see Manassa, Late Egyptian Underworld, 356–357.
(38) Lesko, Late Egyptian Dictionary, 177.
(39) Rössler-Köhler, in LÄ III, cols. 1080–1090; van Essche, in Delvaux and Warmenbol, eds., Les divins chats d’Égypte, 32–37.
(40) Popko’s suggestion (http://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/servlet/S02?wc=298462&db=0) does not fit the context of Thutmose III in Asia, particularly as the term is used in the ostraca concerning donkey-hires from Deir el-Medina—see Janssen, Donkeys at Deir el-Medina, 81–84.
(41) Typically used as a royal epithet—compare P. Harris I, col. 75, ln. 10; for “organizer” as a title (used in religious contexts), see Darnell, SAK 22 (1995): 54–55.
(42) http://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/servlet/S02?wc=298572&db=0 with references.