The Circulation and Reception of Philip Doddridge's Hymns
The Circulation and Reception of Philip Doddridge's Hymns
Abstract and Keywords
Chapter 3 discusses the chronological, geographical and denominational reception and circulation of Philip Doddridge’s hymns. Drawing on close readings of the variants on a few representative hymns, the analysis outlines the textual instability that resulted from the dissemination of words and tunes not only through the international circulation of printed books, but also through multiple manuscript copies, lining out, plagiarism, and adaptation. Lastly, it assesses Doddridge’s place in the history of English hymnody, and concludes that his catholicity of approach explains the favourable reception of his hymns in his own Independent—i.e. Congregational—tradition, as well as among many other communities of dissent, in the Church of Scotland and in the Anglican communion, on both sides of the Atlantic.
Hymns offer a good model of dynamic interaction between reader and text. The repeated experience of congregational hymn-singing, or of reading devotional poetry for the purpose of private meditation, often leads singers or readers to appropriate hymns as part of their personal culture. The regularity of rhyme and metre, and the repetition of the tune from one stanza to the next, allow the verse to be memorized—perhaps subconsciously—by an individual or communal reader, who often shares the author's theological perspective. Occasionally the text (and/or the tune) is altered in the process, and the modified version handed down, sometimes orally, to the next generation of worshippers, so that modern-day congregations seldom use ‘authentic’ words or music. Hymns are ‘living texts’.1 The art of hymnody is shaped by reader/singer response to religious poetry, for which no definitive edition can ever be completed. However, literary or historical criticism of hymns cannot take place without ‘carefully worked editions showing variations and derivations’.2
Such a scholarly collation is badly needed for the works of the distinguished Independent minister Philip Doddridge (1702–51). Born in London to a family with a strong Puritan and nonconformist background, he was educated within a purely dissenting tradition. Like Isaac Watts in the previous generation,3 Doddridge declined the offer of a university training in England, though in later life he was awarded an honorary Doctorate of Divinity by Aberdeen University. The Presbyterian minister in St Albans, Samuel Clark (1684–1750), who had become a father-figure to young Philip after the death (p.69) of both his parents, secured him a place at the dissenting academy at Kibworth in Leicestershire. Doddridge, who had ministered at Kibworth since 1723, received in 1729 a call from the Independent congregation at Castle Hill, Northampton, where he was to minister until the last few weeks of his life.4 The academy that he had just set up at Market Harborough in Leicestershire was soon transferred to Northampton, with students originally living in his own home. Thanks to Doddridge's vast correspondence, his influence extended beyond his town and denomination. The number of extant letters, which he exchanged with approximately 350 addressees, is reckoned to be over 1,860.5 Scholars in eighteenth-century studies remember him as an educator, preacher, devotional writer, and biblical commentator, but to many English-speaking people his name remains mostly associated with hymns.
A collection of Doddridge's hymns was published posthumously, in 1755, by his former pupil, assistant, and friend Job Orton (1717–83). The first edition of Hymns Founded on Various Texts in the Holy Scriptures contained 370 hymns, arranged in the order of biblical texts.6 The title for the volume was chosen by the author's widow, in preference to Orton's suggestion of Spiritual Songs.7 The second edition added four hymns, which were to remain in at least nine subsequent editions.8 It is difficult to understand why the sixth and seventh editions both omitted Hymn CCCLXXV, entitled ‘God's giving his Holy Spirit to them that ask him’ (Luke 11:13). A completely new version, edited by the author's great-grandson, John Doddridge Humphreys, added twenty-three hitherto unpublished texts, which had been ‘omitted’ by Orton because they had been ‘met too late for the press’ as a result of the ‘precipitation’ with which the first edition had been printed.9 Humphreys criticized Orton's editorial skills and proceeded to make what he considered as ‘the necessary corrections’. According to him, many of the errors had resulted from ‘misconceptions in transcribing the short-hand’ in the original copy, and (p.70) ‘a crowd of other’ mistakes required correction in grammatical construction and euphony.10
Of all Doddridge's published hymns, perhaps only a dozen have remained popular in the English-speaking world.11 This chapter examines how the changes in their reception can be traced chronologically and geographically, and considers whether they ‘appealed better to those who belonged to his own denomination than to those outside it’.12 The analysis will be based on close readings of the variants on a few representative hymns.
Reading manuscript and printed hymns
There is much evidence that the reception of Doddridge's hymns began in his lifetime, for they often circulated in manuscript long before their publication. For instance, copies of his recent compositions were sometimes enclosed in his letters. Doddridge thus reported on 21 February 1741 how pleased he was to hear of Samuel Clark's ‘acceptance of the plain hymns’ which he had sent to his former tutor, perhaps in order to submit them to his critical comments. Such favourable reception would ‘occasion [Clark] the trouble of receiving more’.13 Indeed, less than a month later, Doddridge posted the manuscript of his first three Practical Discourses,14 together with ‘a Hymn which [he had] just now made’.15 The letter being dated Saturday/Sunday 14[/15] March 1741, one may wonder whether the hymn had been written for use after the sermon for the day. Indeed, the purpose of Doddridge's hymns was primarily to reinforce the message of his sermons, as Job Orton explained in the preface:
These Hymns being composed to be sung, after the Author had been preaching on the Texts prefixed to them, it was his Design, that they should bring over again the leading Thoughts in the Sermon, and naturally express and warmly enforce (p.71) those devout Sentiments, which he hoped were then rising in the Minds of his Hearers, and help them to fix them on the Memory and Heart.16
The close link between hymn and sermon is evidenced in manuscript sources. A volume in the ‘Hall papers’,17 written in the hand of John Hall's great-grandson John Firth (1717–82), includes several instances where the text of ‘an Hymn composed by ye Author suitable to ye Subject’ or ‘An hymn by ye Author adapted to ye Occasion of ye aforesaid Subject’ immediately follows notes on a sermon by Doddridge.18 The first line of one of these texts, ‘Arise, our Sorrows & our Tears, while such a Source of woe appears’,19 cannot be found in Orton's edition, but is changed into ‘Awake our Sorrows, flow our tears’ in Humphreys' edition of a hymn based on Matthew 26:21–2 and entitled ‘The Sorrow of the Disciples on hearing that Christ would be betrayed’.20
When John Firth's manuscripts can be compared with the first edition, the wording is almost identical. For example, the only textual difference in the hymn published by Orton under the heading of ‘Christian Watchfulness’ (Mark 13:37) is to be found in the third stanza, where the manuscript reads ‘& See thy Master near’, whereas Orton prints ‘Behold thy Master near’.21 However, the layout in the manuscript is noteworthy, since fourteener couplets separated by hash signs replace alternate rhyming C.M. quatrains:
- Awake, my drowsy Soul, awake, & view the threatning Scene#
- Legions of foes encamp around, & treachery lurks within:#22
The slight metrical change from 220.127.116.11 to 14.14 here only links pairs of lines that might have otherwise stood on their own—a rather unusual feature in C.M. hymns, which tend to work in two-line units.23
The expansion, which must have made the practice of ‘lining out’ more difficult,24 may simply be a copyist's mannerism, for the same space-saving method was used repeatedly in this very compact manuscript. In the L.M. hymn in rhyming couplets suitable to the subject of the ‘Struggle between Faith (p.72) and Unbelief’,25 as expounded in a sermon on Mark 9:24, the first two lines are gathered in a single statement where the internal rhyme enhances the caesura: ‘Jesus, our Souls delightfull Choice, in thee believing we rejoice.’26 The device was less felicitously applied to a C.M. hymn following a funeral sermon entitled ‘God's compassionate regard to ye frailty of our Natures’, on Psalm 103:14, where the reader loses sight of the metrical and strophic patterns:
- We bless ye hand, wch form'd us first, we bless ye Almighty's Name,
- Which from ye mean & lifeless dust called out this curious frame:
- By dust supported still it stands wrought up to various forms,
- The work of Gods creating hand to Nourish mortal worms:#…27
The first lines, which differ from the printed version,28 may well have been adapted to the occasion, which illustrates the textual instability intrinsic to the genre.
Of course Doddridge sometimes enclosed the texts of his hymns in letters to his beloved wife.29 For instance, while she was staying ‘at Mrs Axfords in…Bath’ in 1742, Mercy received a letter dated 24–25 November with an excerpt from a hymn which the author would
- some time or other shew Dear Miss Rappitt. It concludes with a kind of version of Ps. xciii. 4
- The Lord on High when Billows roar
- Superior Majesty displays
- And with one Breath of Sovereign Power
- Hushes the Noise of Foaming Seas.30
What the poet wanted to show his wife's companion was probably the text based on Isaiah 69:19, which became Hymn CXVII in Orton's collection, under the heading ‘The Standard of the Spirit lifted up’. With only a minor alteration, the verse quoted above brings to an end the invocation of the Spirit to silence the metaphorical ocean of contemporary error and vice.31
A month later, in a postscript dated ‘Tuesd. Morning. Dec 28 ’, Philip sent Mercy a hymn which he had ‘made for Christmas Day’. The text is almost exactly the same as ‘The Nativity of Christ’, based on Luke 2:10–12, which was to be included as Hymn CC in the first edition.32 The author copied it in long (p.73) hand, but ‘without Dividing the Lines lest it shd occasion double postage’, so that dashes replace line breaks: ‘Hail Progeny Divine—Hail Virgins wondrous Son—Who for that humble Shrine—Didst quit th'Almighty's Throne:—Thee Infant Lord—Our Voices Sing—And be the King—of Grace ador'd.’33
‘Progeny’ was probably one of the words that Job Orton considered as ‘not sufficiently intelligible to common Readers’,34 so a footnote gives ‘offspring’ as a synonym. In the fourth and last verse,
- Thither, my Soul, repair,
- And early Homage pay
- To thy Redeemer fair,
- As on his natal Day,35
the editor similarly explained that ‘natal Day’ meant ‘Birth-Day’, as if such vocabulary of Latin origin had already become too formal or archaic. These explanations were in keeping with Watts's recurrent remarks on ‘the necessity of a little sinking of [Doddridge's] style’.36 The ailing Watts, who was confined indoors, had asked his footman to read out Doddridge's writings to him, but noticed that domestic servants could not understand what they meant.37 The remarks typify the Puritan and post-Restoration emphasis on ‘plain style’. However, when Watts ‘altered a few Words’ in Doddridge's verses for children in order ‘to make them plainer’, the younger hymn-writer could not help thinking that the suggested emendations had ‘sunk the Thought’.38
Were it not for the reluctance to celebrate Christmas that dissenters inherited from their Puritan forebears, it would be difficult to understand why ‘Hail Progeny divine’ did not attain great popularity. Its metre, known as ‘the 148th’ after Psalm 148 in the 1562 Whole Booke of Psalms (beginning with four lines of six syllables rhyming ABAB, followed by four lines of four syllables rhyming CDDC), had already been used by Baxter and Watts.39 This was one of the six regular metres to which Doddridge was to confine himself.40 The hymn thus lay within the framework of what was already a ‘tradition’ of nonconformist hymnody.41
Routley's idea that there was ‘only one traditional tune’ available ‘for those metres which are designated by the number of their archetypal psalm in the Old Version’ cannot apply here.42 Another hymn by Doddridge in the ‘148th’ (p.74) metre, ‘O ye immortal throng’, was set to music in four-part harmony and published in a collection of psalmody.43 This anonymous musical setting provides further evidence that copies of hymns ‘by P.D.’44 were circulated during his lifetime, not only in his private correspondence, but also in a wider circle.
Indeed, several manuscripts have survived. For instance, a book with seventy-seven ‘Hymns by P. Doddridge D.D.’ dated ‘March 16 1739/40’ is preserved in the British Library.45 The first seventy-five texts correspond, with a few minor textual variations, to the first seventy-eight of the one hundred neatly written in long hand in an undated holograph.46 In both manuscripts the hymns are copied in the same order, which is completely different from the arrangement made by Orton: ‘I chose to place these Hymns in the Order in which the several Texts lie in the Bible.’47 One may therefore wonder whether the manuscripts reflect the chronological order of composition.
The autograph, still bound in beautiful contemporary gilt-tooled leather, ends with an alphabetical table of first lines. The book apparently belonged to Lady Gardiner. Her name, ‘Lady Frances Erskine’, and that of her son, ‘David Garner’ [sic], are written inside.48 Five of the hymns are among those omitted by Orton but published by Humphreys, whose criticism of the first editor thus may be proved right. However, the first words of five other hymns in the manuscript differ from the versions in the printed editions. According to the British Library manuscript catalogue, there are many other instances of ‘readings found neither in Orton nor in Humphreys’.49 This should come as no surprise, since the two editors based their work on other material written in shorthand. The hymnographer John Julian believed that the volume once owned by the Gardiners was a copy of another book in Doddridge's handwriting, then in the property of the Rooker family,50 except that in the ‘D. MSS’ most of the hymns are dated.51 Where Orton and Humphreys differ, the (p.75) autograph usually agrees with the former, who perhaps had access to sources unknown to the latter.
Doddridge's correspondence shows not only how individual recipients were sent copies of his hymns from time to time, but also how these texts circulated freely from one person to another. For instance, Richard Pearsall (1698–1762), the Independent minister at Warminster in Wiltshire (and later at Taunton in Somerset), wrote on 16 January 1739 that he had been ‘entertained’ with ‘some’ of Doddridge's hymns by Joseph Williams (1692–1755), a merchant from his native town of Kidderminster in Worcestershire. Pearsall hoped that one day he would see Doddridge's ‘Composures…for their Sweetness…Esteemed a Proper Appendix to Dr Watts's Poetical Performances’.52
The idea that Doddridge's hymns could complement the works of Isaac Watts thus appeared at a very early date. Job Orton may have had it in mind when he wrote the preface to his edition: ‘there are several Hymns in this Collection suited to special and extraordinary Occasions, for which there was not before a sufficient Provision’.53 Although the predominance of the poet sometimes known as ‘the father of English hymnody’ was never questioned, several compilers of anthologies, especially at the end of the eighteenth century, felt the need to ‘supplement’ his hymns, as the titles of several hymn-books clearly suggest. Thus the Independent George Burder's Collection of Hymns…Intended as a Supplement to Dr. Watts's Hymns went through twenty-eight editions in forty-five years.54 The selection published at Coventry in 1799 by John Mead Ray (1753–1837), for sixty-three years the Independent minister at Sudbury, had almost the same title. Watts's hymns were mostly criticized there for containing too ‘few’ metres.55 As for the Particular Baptist John Rippon (1751–1836), he explained that his Selection of Hymns from the Best Authors (including ninety-nine hymns by Doddridge out of a total of 588), was ‘designed to be used, where Dr. Watts's Hymns and Psalms have the Preference to all others’.56
Doddridge treated Watts, who was twenty-eight years his senior, with great respect. Their mutual affection and esteem was well known. In the earliest surviving letter from the Scottish army officer James Gardiner (1686–1745) to Doddridge, the former asked the latter to relay a message to the older hymnographer, who had now recovered from a serious illness. Gardiner wanted to let Watts know ‘how much his works [had] been blessed in [him]’, and added: ‘when I join the glorious company above…none will (p.76) outsing me’.57 In his youth Gardiner had been a rake, but he became devoutly religious after a conversion experience in 1719. No sooner had he met Doddridge in 1739 than they became friends, and Gardiner started corresponding with him. A few months after their first encounter, the minister promised to send him a few hymns ‘if [he had] not the hope of seeing [him] speedily’.58 That he kept his promise is evidenced by the correspondence.
In a letter dated 25 February 1742, the Scottish poet Robert Blair (1699–1746) wrote to Doddridge that he had often heard of him from Colonel Gardiner and his wife. Blair was delighted with some manuscript hymns that he had been given by Lady Frances.59 At least one of the texts that the Gardiners must have shown Blair, probably in the beautiful holograph volume described above,60 passed through him to the committee appointed in 1742 by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland to prepare a hymnal for the Kirk. Their first draft appeared in 1745, when it was transmitted to several presbyteries, so that they might report their observations to the following General Assembly.61 As a transition between psalmody and hymnody, it offered a rendering of some biblical passages into verse. Several versions of Translations and Paraphrases of Several Passages of Sacred Scripture shuttled between the General Assembly, the presbyteries, and the committee between 1749 and 1781, when a new, enlarged edition was printed for the Church of Scotland62 in order to be sung in public worship.63 From the start, the Kirk included Doddridge's C.M. hymn beginning ‘Hark, the glad Sound, the SAVIOUR comes!’ in their (p.77) collection of ‘Scriptural songs’.64 Thus began the Scottish reception of what was to become one of the most popular among Doddridge's hymns, still in common use in English-speaking countries. As it paraphrases the gospel episode (Luke 4:18–19) in which Jesus, at the beginning of his ministry, stood up in the synagogue and read out a passage from the book of Isaiah, it naturally found a place in the Kirk's first experiment in hymnody.
In the meantime, an English version of the hymn had been published, first in the biography that Doddridge wrote after Colonel Gardiner's ‘heroick’65 death at the battle of Prestonpans, and a few years later in Orton's posthumous edition.66 The Life of Colonel Gardiner went through many editions and abridgements in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and was very popular in evangelical circles.67 There the hymn-writer rather ‘clumsily’68 explained how his ‘serious, tho’ artless Composures'69 exerted considerable influence over Gardiner's soul. One of the three hymns that is quoted in this context ‘is called CHRIST'S Message…and is as follows’ in the opening stanza:
- Hark! the glad Sound! The Saviour comes,
- The Saviour promis'd long!
- Let ev'ry Heart prepare a Throne,
- And ev'ry Voice a Song.70
In the 1745 Scottish version, the natural word order had been inverted in the third line, which ended with ‘a Throne prepare’. Such syntactic licence may have been felt to follow the rules of poetic diction better than the plain style to which the English reading reverted. From 1781 onwards, the line was further amended by the Kirk, and now read ‘Let every heart exult with joy.’71 Neither alteration brought any significant change, since the pattern of alternate rhymes was not affected.
This may explain why many other minor differences between the English and the Scottish versions of this hymn occur in odd-numbered lines. Sometimes one word is substituted for another, either at the end of a line, as in ‘On him the Spirit largely pour'd 〈shed〉’, ‘He comes the Prisoners to release (p.78) 〈relieve〉’,72 or even in the middle of a line, as in the last verse, where the Scottish version replaces another instance of Doddridge's affectionate approach to religion with a more impersonal sense of awe and respect:
- And Heav'n's Eternal 〈exalted〉 Arches ring
- With thy beloved 〈most honour'd〉 Name.73
The change from a singular noun to a plural in the fifth stanza carries little significance, for the hymn-singer is a collective entity:
- He comes, the broken Heart〈s〉 to bind,
- The bleeding Soul〈s〉 to cure.74
It is difficult to know which is the more authentic reading. The Orton 1755 edition agrees with the version printed in Gardiner's biography, and with two contemporary manuscripts, one of which is a holograph.75 What can be ascertained is that, from an early date, two divergent versions circulated on both sides of the Scottish border.
Other texts were similarly changed. For instance, even the opening of the C.M. hymn entitled ‘Jacob's Vow’, based on Genesis 28:20–2, underwent several alterations. Whilst the first edition printed in England reads
- O GOD of Jacob, by whose Hand
- Thine Israel still is fed,76
the compilers of the Scottish Translations and Paraphrases reverted to the first line that had circulated in manuscript before publication:
- O God of Bethel! by whose hand
- Thy people still are fed.77
(p.79) The second line was reworded by the minister and writer John Logan (1747/8–88), a member of the committee working on the Translations and Paraphrases, who plagiarized Doddridge in one of his Poems.78
Furthermore, both these hymns have had an enduring appeal and have been included in many hymnals since 1755. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Garrett Horder praised ‘Hark! the glad sound’ very highly: ‘I should be disposed to rank this as one of the noblest hymns ever written, alike as to style and substance. There is a mingling of boldness and tenderness, a suitability and melody in its style, that stamp it as a masterpiece.’ However, he lamented the frequent omission of yet another stanza:
- One of the finest verses, however, is too often omitted—
- On Him the Spirit, largely poured,
- Exerts its sacred fire;
- Wisdom and might and zeal and love
- His holy breast inspire.79
Indeed, these lines disappeared from twentieth-century collections. The nondenominational BBC Hymn Book published ‘Hark the glad Sound’ as a four-verse hymn, not under the Advent heading, as is often the case,80 but in the section of ‘Biblical paraphrases’.81 The same four stanzas represent the only sample of Doddridge's songs of praise in a more recent American anthology of 200 ‘best-loved Christian hymns’.82
As the years went by, the English and Scottish versions evolved separately. As for ‘Hark the glad sound’, two verses in particular underwent significant changes. The fourth stanza initially paraphrased the gospel reference to Isaiah's prophecy about the Messiah, who would restore sight to those who are literally or metaphorically blind:
- He comes from thickest Films of Vice
- To clear the mental Ray,
- And on the Eye-balls of the Blind
- To pour celestial Day.83
The holograph reads ‘the thick’ instead of ‘thickest films’.84 The latter phrase provides greater euphony and a more regular iambic rhythm, but the author (p.80) must have initially been influenced by Alexander Pope's sacred eclogue Messiah (1712), which was also based on passages from Isaiah:
- He from thick Films shall purge the visual Ray,
- And on the sightless Eye-ball pour the Day.85
It is difficult to understand why the 1745 Church of Scotland committee substituted the less euphonious ‘thick Scales’ for ‘thickest Films’.86 More radical alterations, changing the metaphor and the original rhyme, were later made by the Kirk:
- He comes, from thickest clouds of vice
- to clear the darken'd mind;
- And, from on high, a saving light
- to pour upon the blind.87
That remained the official Scottish version in the subsequent editions, until the 1781 definitive revision:
- He comes, from dark'ning scales of vice
- to clear the inward sight,
- And on the eye-balls of the blind
- to pour celestial light.88
The committee appointed by the Kirk hoped that its many alterations would improve the translations and paraphrases under review.89 Their earlier guidelines ‘required Simplicity and Plainness of Composition and Stile…such as…might be intelligible to all’.90 As Latinate terms were often replaced in the process by words of ‘Anglo-Saxon’ origin, one may wonder whether etymology played a part in the corrections made by the Kirk. Such an approach would have been similar to Isaac Watts's reflection on the need to simplify Doddridge's sophisticated language.
As for the penultimate stanza in the hymn on Luke 4:18–19, Orton had felt the need to footnote it in order to elucidate the allusion, in the gospel passage that was being paraphrased, to the ‘The acceptable Year of the Lord, i.e. the Year of Jubilee’ as prescribed in Leviticus 25:9:
- His Silver Trumpets publish loud
- The Jub'lee of the LORD;(p.81)
- Our Debts are all remitted now,
- Our Heritage restor'd.91
The Scottish version soon replaced the Latinate ‘remitted’ with ‘forgiv'n’.92 However, the form that received the official approval of the Kirk from 1781 until at least the end of the eighteenth century reworded the whole verse almost completely, in order to make it more understandable, though without changing the original rhyme scheme:
- The sacred year has now revolv'd
- accepted of the Lord,
- When Heaven's high promise is fulfill'd,
- and Israel is restor'd.93
Humphreys further altered the six‐syllable rhyming lines to ‘The Lord's high jubilee’ and ‘our heritage is free’.94
Singing and memorizing
Whether in its revised or original form, this verse soon disappeared from many hymnals. For instance, a small collection of forty-seven hymns (including fifteen by Doddridge) published in Lewes, Sussex, in 1778, contained a version of ‘Hark the glad sound’ entitled ‘Hosannah to Christ coming’, where the penultimate stanza is omitted and an interesting variation on the fourth verse is to be found:
- He comes from thickest films of vice,
- To clear the mental ray;
- And on the eye opprest with night,
- To pour celestial day.95
Although the dissenting interest was quite strong in Lewes, it is difficult to find out for which denomination this hymnal was intended. In the early eighteenth century, almost a quarter of the town's overall population were reported to worship at nonconformist chapels. Baptists had opened a meeting-house in 1741; Presbyterians and Independents, who had divided early in the century, (p.82) were reunited in 1742. The joint congregation appointed a pupil of Doddridge's, Ebenezer Johnston, as their minister.96 As Johnston only retired from Lewes in 1781,97 the high proportion of texts by Doddridge in the 1778 hymnal may not have been a coincidence. A new edition published in 1802 did not specify for which denomination it had been designed.98 The preface remained unchanged, but the collection had doubled in size and now comprised fifty-three new hymns, without any reference to their authors' names. However, a cursory glance shows that at least one Methodist text, Charles Wesley's ‘Ye servants of God, your master proclaim’, was now included.
Interestingly enough, the same preface was copied in a small collection of fifty-three hymns published in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, which unashamedly referred to the 1778 Lewes anthology, and only added six new hymns.99 Here too it is difficult to identify the denomination that was addressed. Both the Independent community and the Presbyterian congregation from which it had seceded in 1743 declined after the 1780s. Meanwhile the Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion progressed.100 That George Whitefield preached twice in the open air, on his way to Lewes and Brighton, in the part of Tunbridge Wells where the countess, who had been a close friend of Doddridge's,101 had procured Whitefield a permanent residence,102 may lead the historian to a spurious correlation. However, there must have been a link between the communities that sang these hymns, since the fifth edition of the Tunbridge Wells book could also be bought from ‘J. Lambert, in the Cliffe, Lewes’.103 Perhaps a simple explanation lies in an evangelical network.
Indeed, in the late 1730s, Doddridge had found a kindred spirit in Whitefield, whom he later invited to preach in his pulpit.104 On 23 December 1738 the former sent the latter a very affectionate letter, in which he enclosed a (p.83) ‘plain’ hymn that had been ‘occasioned’ by a charity sermon preached on the previous Sunday.105 It was based on the gospel evocation of the Last Judgement (Matthew 25:40), and Orton eventually published its five verses under the heading ‘Relieving Christ in his poor Saints’. Doddridge shared with Whitefield a keen sense of the awesome freedom of divine grace:
- JESUS, my Lord, how rich thy Grace!
- Thy Bounties how compleat!
- How shall I count the matchless Sum?
- How pay the mighty Debt?
- High on a Throne of radiant Light
- Dost Thou exalted shine;
- What can my Poverty bestow,
- When all the Worlds are Thine?106
Doddridge knew that Whitefield ‘love[d] psalmody’, and he offered to ‘furnish [him] with several such hymns as these’.107 Thus a transition between the tradition of Old Dissent and what was eventually to become a new nonconformist denomination was ensured smoothly. Conversely, Doddridge bought copies of the Wesley brothers' hymns from a very early date.108 However, his evangelical outlook was probably closer to Whitefield's Calvinistic world view than to Arminian Methodism.
On the day when Gardiner had first met him, Doddridge had preached ‘a Lecture’ on Psalm 119:158 (‘I beheld the transgressors, and was grieved, because they kept not thy word’), in which he had been
large in describing that Mixture of Indignation and Grief,…with which a good Man looks on the daring Transgressors of the Divine Law; and in tracing the Causes of that Grief, as arising from a Regard to the Divine Honour, and the Interest of a Redeemer, and a compassionate Concern for the Misery such Offenders bring on themselves, and for the Mischief they do to the World about them.
Then, as was his wont, the preacher had invited the congregation to sing ‘a Hymn, which brought over again some of the leading Thoughts in the Sermon’.109 The hymn was published, with only one minor alteration, as number LXIV in Orton's edition, under the heading ‘Beholding Transgressors with Grief’. The biblical reference mentions not only verse 158 of Psalm 119, (p.84) but also adds its 136th verse (‘Rivers of waters run down mine eyes, because they keep not thy law’). The addition may be regarded as typical of Doddridge's affectionate spirituality,110 which somehow tempered the rigours of his Calvinism. The hymn-writer's sensitive approach is emphasized by the superlative and the repeated imperative in the very first line:
- Arise, my tend'rest Thoughts, arise,
- To Torrents melt my streaming Eyes!
- And thou, my Heart, with Anguish feel
- Those Evils which thou canst not heal!111
The rhyming L.M. couplets convey more compassionate grief than sanctimonious indignation about the evil effects of sin that will mete out its eternal punishment:
Whilst the Calvinistic minister did not question the gloomy reality of hell, he concluded the hymn in a typically optimistic fashion, with an appeal to the only Saviour who could bring redemption to fallen man. Doddridge's quiet belief in one of the basic tenets of Protestantism, that salvation could only come from God, counterbalanced the awful sight of the damned, whom the righteous could not assist in any way:
- My GOD, I feel the mournful Scene;
- My Bowels yearn o're dying Men:
- And fain my Pity would reclaim,
- And snatch the Fire-brands from the Flame.
- But feeble my Compassion proves,
- And can but weep, where most it loves.
- Thine own all-saving Arm employ,
- And turn these Drops of Grief to Joy!114
(p.85) The last two lines may be seen as encapsulating the religious experience of evangelical conversion. Altogether that hymn contained in a nutshell some of the distinctive features that could make Doddridge's hymns attractive: his sympathy for fellow human beings and strong faith in the saving grace of God counterbalancing a stern condemnation of sin. His choice of metre would have helped the congregation memorize the message. Clumsy though the self-congratulation may look, one is not surprised to read that the hymn ‘struck [Gardiner] so strongly, that on obtaining a Copy of it, he committed it to his Memory, and used to repeat it with so forcible an Accent, as shewed how much every line expressed of his very Soul.’115
Doddridge's biography of Gardiner included two other songs of praise that had been ‘agreeable’116 to the colonel. The latter ‘[had] been heard to mention with particular Regard, as expressing the inmost Sentiments of his Soul’, the C.M. hymn entitled ‘CHRIST precious to the Believer’, originally ‘composed to be sung after a Sermon on I Pet. ii. 7’117—although in one unverified manuscript source it bears the date of 1717,118 before the author had commenced his studies or entered the ministry. In another instance of Doddridge's affectionate religion, the opening stanza conveys a typically evangelical sense of the intimate relationship between Christ and the soul that has received God's grace:
- JESUS! I love thy charming Name,
- 'Tis Musick to my Ear:
- Fain would I sound it out so loud,
- That Earth and Heav'n should hear.119
As the participial adjective and the literal appeal to auditory enjoyment in the following line imply, the relationship is not devoid of pleasure. It brings delight to the mind and senses, and thus moves the whole person of the believer. From ‘an early date’, some editors took exception to the opening line and changed it to ‘Jesus, I love Thy sacred Name’, or to ‘Jesus, I love Thy saving Name’.120 The metaphorical allusions to the senses of sight, smell, and touch in the third and fourth stanzas referred less directly to the language of eighteenth-century courtship:
- Nor to mine Eyes is Light so dear,
- Nor Friendship half so sweet.(p.86)
- Thy Grace still dwells upon my Heart,
- And sheds its Fragrance there;
- The noblest Balm of all its Wounds,
- The Cordial of its Care.121
The earlier wording had read ‘Nor to my Eyes is Life so dear’.122 The alteration both improves the euphony and enhances the parallel between spiritual experience and sensuous enjoyment. As the last stanza suggested, the believer's affection for God's name was to be conveyed physically until the very end:
- I'll speak the Honours of thy Name
- With my last lab'ring Breath;
- Then speechless clasp thee in my Arms,
- The Antidote of Death.123
Although the penultimate line remained unaltered in all subsequent editions of Doddridge's hymns until at least 1794, it was quoted differently by Rippon in The Baptist Annual Register for 1794. According to this report, two hours before the death of the Exeter minister, William Clarke (1732–94), one of his friends,
fearing it was painful for him to speak, repeated a verse out of one of Dr. Doddridge's hymns, desiring him to hold up his hand if he found himself happy. When these lines of it had been mentioned,
- “And dying clasp thee in mine arms,
- The antidote of death,”
He held up both his hands, and clasped them together with a degree of earnestness beyond what it was thought his strength would have permited [sic].124
The same emendation, replacing ‘speechless’ with ‘dying’, had already been quoted in the obituary for Mrs Elizabeth Reece (1737–94), wife of the Baptist minister at Warwick. That hymn of Doddridge's was ‘very much esteemed by her, especially two verses of it, which appear to have been the genuine language of her heart in health, in sickness, and in death’. As the hymn was ‘the 173d in the Selection’,125 she would probably have learnt it from Rippon's Selection of Hymns from the Best Authors, published in 1787. The book rapidly gained acceptance in Baptist circles on both sides of the Atlantic, and went through forty-four editions until 1844.126 Such evidence suggests that Doddridge's hymns were well received among late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Baptists.
(p.87) As for the last two lines of ‘Christ precious to the believer’, one may surmise that from an early date they became associated with the pastoral care of the dying. Indeed, Doddridge claimed that Gardiner regarded them ‘as expressing the inmost Sentiments of his Soul; and they were undoubtedly so, in the last rational Moments of his expiring Life.’127 Likewise, the biblical commentator Thomas Scott, an evangelical Church of England clergyman, recalled the last two lines in one of Doddridge's hymns when he elaborated on Enoch's piety (Gen. 5:24) and discussed funeral monuments:
- I'll hail the sharpest pangs of death,
- Which break my way to God.128
An appendix of engraved music in two-voice settings annexed to the 1778 Lewes hymnal reveals that ‘Hark the glad Sound’ was sung to two C.M. tunes: ST MARTIN129 by Edmund Gilding, or WESTMINSTER130 by ‘Dr. Nares’, organist and composer to the Chapel Royal (1715–83).131 By coincidence, both were relatively ‘new’ tunes, dating back to 1762, when they had been printed in a polemical work discussing the performance of psalmody in rural parish churches.132 What had thus originally been composed for use in the Church of England liturgy was not regarded as inadequate for evangelical hymnody. Indeed, the preface to the Lewes and Tunbridge Wells hymnals explained that tunes had been selected on aesthetic grounds: ‘They were chosen from many others, perhaps equally good, partly because they are not very common, and partly on account of the agreeableness of their melody, fullness of harmony, and ease of modulation.’133 Of course, the hymns were not inextricably linked to any given tune: ‘it is left as a matter of choice to every person, or Society of Singers, whether they will use these few Tunes, or any others they may be already in possession of.’134 Although hymns were undoubtedly meant to be sung,135 it seems that here the text took precedence over the music. Indeed, like many early (p.88) hymnals, Orton's edition of Doddridge's hymns had been published as a text-only collection. Similarly, the manuscripts that had circulated prior to publication made no mention of tunes. According to his first editor, the author was tone-deaf anyway. Yet, even if it is true that he ‘had no Ear for Musick’, the idea that the hymns had been ‘composed to be sung’136 recurred several times. The appendices to the Lewes 1778 collection and some versions of the Tunbridge Wells edition may simply reflect a growing trend in the last quarter of the eighteenth century towards the publication of separate tune-books.
WESTMINSTER had originally been published in a four-voice setting with figured bass, to a metrical adaptation of Psalm 23. The two-line version of the tune in the Lewes hymnal may be considered as a simplification well suited to nonconformist congregational singing. However, this arrangement left many possibilities open, for it could probably be sung by one or two vocal parts with or without accompaniment on whatever bass instrument was available locally. Interestingly enough, a handwritten copy of the tune in a copy of the 1781 edition of the Scottish Translations and Paraphrases is very similar to the version used in Lewes.137
By the latter half of the nineteenth century, separate tune-books had become common practice, and congregational hymns could be incorporated in Anglican worship. Thus the Bristol Tune-Book, whose preface acknowledged the assistance of many Church of England dignitaries, underlaid the lyrics of ‘Hark the glad sound’ beneath the first stave of ST SAVIOUR, so called after its composer, Frederick George Baker, organist of St Saviour's, Shanklin, Isle of Wight.138 A later edition included the SHERBORNE tune in D major adapted from Mendelssohn139 for the evening hymn ‘Interval of grateful shade’,140 though not in the ‘subdued and soothing key’ that Garrett Horder liked to associate with this ‘hymn of great beauty’.141
(p.89) The long history of the favourable reception of Doddridge's hymns among Anglicans dated back at least to October 1747, when William Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, commented on the Life of Colonel Gardiner: ‘Your hymns are truly pious and poetical’.142 The publication of Doddridge's biography had thus contributed to the dissemination of a few hymns outside the relatively restricted circle of English dissent and its natural ally, the Church of Scotland. Once the collected edition by Orton had been published, Doddridge's hymns found their way to the book-shelves of Anglican readers. For instance, a copy of the 1766 edition, together with the author's sermons, biography of Gardiner, and other works, lay in the ‘elegant and valuable library’ of Richard Southgate (1729–95), curate of St Giles-in-the-Fields and assistant librarian at the British Museum, when it was sold after his death.143 Doddridge's hymns also appeared in hymnals designed for parochial worship; for instance, two out of the twenty-six hymns printed in the slim volume published for the parish church of Burwash in Sussex were amended versions of Doddridge's compositions: ‘Indulgent Sov'reign of the skies!’ and ‘My waken'd Soul, extend thy wings’.144
Garrett Horder claimed that ‘My God, and is thy Table spread?’, in which the author typologically applied to the Lord's supper the complaint lodged by the prophet Malachi against Israel's profanity (Malachi 1:12),145 ‘was once inserted as a Communion Hymn in the Book of Common Prayer, and for a considerable period remained as part of the Prayer Book, in certain editions of which are two hymns by Doddridge, one each by Wesley, Sternhold, or J. Mardley, and Bishop Ken's Morning and Evening hymn abridged and altered.’146 In fact it was one of a group of hymns added to Tate and Brady's New Version of the Psalms in certain late eighteenth-century editions.147 However, a project indexing over fifty Anglican hymnals published in the past century and a half shows that Doddridge's hymn, originally entitled ‘GOD’s Name profaned, when his Table is treated with Contempt', has been (p.90) used consistently as a Eucharistic hymn in the Episcopalian tradition since at least 1826.148
Doddridge's works still figured prominently in booksellers' catalogues in the late eighteenth-century Anglo-American world. Thus the price lists for 1792 of the London publisher and bookseller James Lackington, who had once harboured Methodist sympathies, included four issues of the 1788 edition of Doddridge's hymns, alongside some of his other works, such as his exposition of the New Testament and the devotional handbook The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul. Although those hymnals had all been printed in a very portable duodecimo size, they came with a range of different bindings, and the price varied accordingly, from 1s 9d for a volume that was ‘new and neatly bound’, to 2s 6d for one that was bound ‘in calf’ and ‘elegantly gilt’.149 It is always difficult to assess data about the cost of living and the value of commodities in past centuries, but the price range suggests that there were possibly two market segments for the book. A point of comparison may lie in the fact that, for twenty years after the second edition of 1759, the volume of Doddridge's hymns was consistently advertised at the price of 1s. 6d.150 At the turn of the century, when Lackington's business, having been passed on to his third cousin George, became known as ‘Lackington, Allen & Co’,151 they included both ancient and modern books in their catalogue. Two versions of the 1794 edition of Doddridge's hymns, described as ‘new and neatly bound’ or ‘new, neatly bound and lettered’, were listed with a price of 1s 5d and 1s 7d respectively.152 The Lackingtons were by no means the only booksellers in the 1790s listing Doddridge's works in their catalogues. At least two provincial firms, John Binns in Leeds and Thomas Lucas in Birmingham, offered them in duodecimo volumes.153 As for the two second-hand copies of the first edition of the hymns advertised in 1792 for 2s 6d by the antiquarian John Simco in London, they seem to have shown little sign of wear and tear, for they were (p.91) described as ‘neat and gilt’.154 More surprisingly, Doddridge's works, including a 1766 edition of his hymns, featured in Samuel Hayes' catalogue of books ‘lately imported from the Continent’.155 There was a market for English literature in continental Europe and North America.156 Indeed, several of these booksellers were prepared to receive postal orders and to dispatch their goods ‘into the Country’, or even to export them to ‘the East Indies America, &c’.157 Hayes' catalogue, however, shows Doddridge's works and many other books being re-imported into Britain.
Thus Doddridge's hymns crossed the Atlantic, not only through the dissemination of manuscripts in private correspondence, but also through the book market. One of the favourite melodies in New England psalmody was MONTAGUE,158 a setting by the Congregational lay composer Timothy Swan (1758–1842) of the first two stanzas of Doddridge's hymn entitled ‘GOD adored for his Goodness, and his wonderful Works, to the Children of Men’:159
- YE Sons of Men, with Joy record
- The various Wonders of the LORD;
- And let his Pow'r, and Goodness sound
- Thro' all your Tribes the Earth around.
- Let the high Heav'ns your Songs invite,
- Those spacious Fields of brilliant Light;
- Where Sun, and Moon, and Planets roll,
- And Stars, that glow from Pole to Pole.160
Although the text had hardly been altered, the fuging tune made it more difficult to understand, as if here the music, which was probably composed (p.92) around 1777,161 prevailed over the text.162 Indeed, the first three lines of the second stanza overlap ‘for nine full measures’.163 The melody soon became popular, and circulated in manuscript164 until its first publication in John Stickney's Gentleman and Lady's Musical Companion.165 Timothy Swan himself included it in the only tune-book that he ever published, New England Harmony.166 In the meantime, the piece had been continually copied in other sources and eventually appeared in three variant forms.167 The tune became one of the elements in what has been identified as the ‘core repertory’ of early American psalmody, and was printed sixty times over a widely scattered area, from Massachusetts where it had first appeared to South Carolina, through Connecticut, Philadelphia, and New York City.168 Although it was sometimes linked to three other texts, Doddridge's words were ‘by far the most prevalent’.169
In spite of the predominance of Isaac Watts's hymns in New England psalmody, Swan's tune-book included another text adapted from Doddridge. The L.M. hymn for New Year's day based on Psalm 65:11, originally entitled ‘The Year crowned with the divine Goodness’,170 was published by Swan in eight-line verses under the new title of ‘The Seasons’:
- Eternal source of ev'ry joy,
- Thy praise shall ev'ry voice employ,
- While we within thy courts appear,
- And sing the bounties of the year,
- As worlds of glory round thee roll
- Thy hand supports the stedfast pole,
- Directs the sun what hour to rise,
- And darkness when to veil the skies.171
(p.93) On the whole, the large number of textual alterations does not disturb the rhyming pattern. For instance, the fourth line originally read ‘Whose goodness crowns the circling Year’. Likewise, ‘The blazing beams of summer shine’ later replaces ‘The Summer Rays with Vigour shine’. One may wonder whether the change from
- And Winters, soft'ned by thy Care,
- No more a Face of Horror wear
- While wintry storms direct our eyes,
- With fear and wonder to the skies
only reflected differences between the weather in the British Isles and the harsher climate in New England. That became the standard text for the setting of this hymn by other American composers in the age of the young Republic. It was associated with another tune called No. 17, composed by Elias Mann,172 and with THE SEASONS, composed by Amos Bull in 1795.173
Many more instances of the adaptation of Doddridge's hymns in North America can be identified. In the database of Anglo-American psalmody built by Karl and Marie Kroeger,174 at least thirty-eight different tunes are associated with twenty-eight texts by Doddridge. To a certain extent, English Independent hymnodists shared a common religious mindset with the lay Congregational composers that flowered in New England in the quarter century following the Revolutionary War. In the shadow of Isaac Watts's ‘unrivaled ascendancy’ and ‘overwhelming popularity’,175 some of Doddridge's hymns managed to come into their own. They had reached a point of excellence that adequately conveyed the sensibility of contemporary worshippers and still speaks to twenty-first-century readers or singers. They were well received, not only in Doddridge's own denomination, but also among other communities of Old and New Dissent, and in the Anglican communion, all over the English-speaking world. From Scotland to Sussex, Kent, Ireland,176 and New England, multiple manuscript copies remained as significant a means of their dissemination as the international circulation of printed works. As our close readings have shown, the process entailed a constant emendation of style and substance. Over the years, their reception evidenced (p.94) what Doddridge's great-grandson described as the ‘perfect Catholicism’ of the author's approach.177 Garrett Horder's interesting assessment is worth quoting: ‘[Doddridge's] hymns appear to me to be a connecting link between Dr. Watts and Charles Wesley…Many of them are likely to hold a permanent place in the song of the Church.’178
(2) Marshall and Todd, English Congregational Hymns, 4.
(3) I am deeply indebted to J. R. Watson for showing me a draft of his contribution to this volume and for making fruitful suggestions about an earlier version of my chapter.
(4) See Isabel Rivers, ‘Doddridge, Philip (1702–1751)’, ODNB.
(5) Geoffrey F. Nuttall, Calendar of the Correspondence of Philip Doddridge DD (1702–1751) (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1979), and Philip Doddridge: Additional Letters: A Supplement to Calendar of the Correspondence of Philip Doddridge (1977 [sic]) (London: Dr Williams's Trust, 2001).
(6) Hymns Founded on Various Texts in the Holy Scriptures. By the late Reverend Philip Doddridge, D.D. Published from the Author's Manuscript by Job Orton ([Shrewsbury], 1755).
(7) Letter from Job Orton to Mercy Doddridge, DWL NCL MS L.7/190, 27 September 1754. I am grateful to Tessa Whitehouse for drawing my attention to this information.
(8) 2nd edn ([Shrewsbury], 1759); 3rd edn (London, 1766); 4th edn (London, 1773); ‘a new edition, corrected’ (London, 1776); 5th edn (London, 1779); 6th edn (London, 1788); ‘new edition’ (Coventry, 1792); 7th edn (London, 1793); 8th edn (London, 1794) (perhaps with a fictitious imprint, according to ESTC). The title remained unchanged throughout.
(9) Scriptural Hymns by the Rev. Philip Doddridge, D.D. New and Corrected Edition, Containing Many Hymns Never before Printed. Edited from the Original Documents, By the Author's Great-Grandson, John Doddridge Humphreys (London, 1839), preface, vii.
(10) Doddridge, Scriptural Hymns (1839), viii. Ironically, Humphreys' edition of Doddridge's correspondence and diary has been open to criticism, for he was ‘a very cavalier editor, even by nineteenth-century standards’: Rivers, ‘Doddridge’, ODNB; and The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, ns 30 (1852), 569 and 572.
(11) C. 50 are to be found in an online ‘cyberhymnal’: see http://www.cyberhymnal.org/bio/d/o/d/doddridge_p.htm.
(13) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 662.
(14) Later published as Practical Discourses on Regeneration in Ten Sermons Preach'd at Northampton; to Which are Added Two Sermons on Salvation by Grace through Faith, Preach'd at Rowell (London, 1742).
(15) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 664.
(16) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), iv.
(17) The ‘Hall papers’ consist of several volumes of notebooks by John Hall, physician and dissenter of Bradford (c.1631–1709) and by his family, with notes of sermons mostly preached by dissenting ministers in the West Riding of Yorkshire: BL Add. MSS 45,671–45,679. Vol. XI mainly contains the texts of approximately thirty sermons, including several funeral orations, preached on several occasions by Doddridge.
(18) Vol. XI of the Hall papers, BL Add. MS 45,478, ff. 204; 209, 216, 221b; cf. volume X, Add. MS 45,678, f. 56.
(19) BL Add. MS 45,679, f. 204.
(20) Doddridge, Scriptural Hymns (1839), Hymn CCXI, 155–6.
(21) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CXCIX, 177.
(22) BL Add. MS 45,679, f. 216.
(23) Watson, English Hymn, 33.
(25) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CXCVII, 176.
(26) BL Add. MS 45,679, f. 209.
(27) BL Add. MS 45,679, f. 221b.
(28) Cf. Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn LV, 48: ‘Lord, we adore thy wond'rous Name, / And make that Name our Trust, / Which rais'd at first this curious Frame, / From mean, and lifeless Dust.'
(29) See W. N. Terry, ‘Doddridge, Mercy (1709–1790)’, ODNB.
(30) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 808.
(31) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 103.
(32) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 178–9.
(33) DWL CL Reed MS II b 10; cf. Nuttall, Calendar, letter 831.
(34) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), preface, ix.
(35) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 179.
(36) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 948.
(37) Nuttall, Calendar, letters 945, 963.
(38) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 932.
(39) Watson, English Hymn, 35, 43, and 185.
(40) Routley, ‘The Hymns of Philip Doddridge’, 58.
(41) Routley, ‘The Hymns of Philip Doddridge’, 77.
(42) Routley, ‘The Hymns of Philip Doddridge’, 59.
(43) The Psalm-Singer's Divine Companion, ed. Thomas Moore, 2nd edn (London, 1750), II, 7; Temperley and Drage, Eighteenth-Century Psalmody, 24–5, 322. I am grateful to Nicholas Temperley for drawing my attention to this source. The date of the first edition of The Psalm-Singer's Divine Companion has not been identified so far.
(44) The Psalm-Singer's Divine Companion, II, 7; quoted in Temperley and Drage, Eighteenth-Century Psalmody, 322.
(45) ‘MS. Hymns by Dr Doddridge and Elizabeth Scott’, BL Add. MS 49,197. I would like to thank Clotilde Prunier for helping me to locate this manuscript.
(46) ‘Hymns on several Occasions composed chiefly for the sake of the Congregation under the Authors Care & on Subjects from which he had preached to them’, BL Add. MS 42,558.
(47) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), preface, ix.
(48) BL Add. MS 42,558, respectively f. 51 and f. 50.
(50) Julian, 831 and Appendix II, 1560. In spite of repeated investigations, it has so far proved impossible to locate the Rooker manuscript, which Julian calls the ‘D. MSS’.
(51) Julian, 305.
(52) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 530.
(53) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), viii.
(54) A. F. Munden, ‘Burder, George (1752–1832)’, ODNB.
(55) A Collection of Hymns, from Various Authors; Intended as a Supplement to Dr Watt's [sic] Psalms and Hymns, ed. John Mead Ray (Sudbury, 1799), n.p.
(57) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 554.
(58) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 564.
(59) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 728.
(60) Julian, 831 and Appendix II, 1560.
(61) Translations and Paraphrases of Several Passages of Sacred Scripture, Collected and Prepared by a Committee Appointed by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. And, by the Act of last Assembly, Transmitted to Presbyteries for their Consideration (Edinburgh, 1745), Advertisement, n.p. It has so far proved impossible to ascertain Julian's claim (Julian, 1033) that the 1745 draft was authorized for private use in 1751, but the advertisement in one of the 1781 editions stated that the 1745 collection had been ‘used in several churches in public worship’: Translations and Paraphrases of Several Passages of Sacred Scripture. Prepared by a Committee of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, Appointed to Revise and Enlarge the Collection of Translations and Paraphrases formerly Published (Edinburgh, 1781), iii.
(62) Translations and Paraphrases…Prepared by a Committee…, Appointed to Revise and Enlarge the Collection of Translations and Paraphrases formerly Published (Edinburgh, 1781).
(63) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse, of Several Passages of Sacred Scripture. Collected and Prepared by a Committee of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, in Order to be Sung in Churches (Edinburgh, 1781).
(64) Translations and Paraphrases (1745), advertisement, n.p.; the hymn appears as no. IV, 4–6.
(65) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 1100, and Philip Doddridge, The Christian Warrior Animated and Crowned: A Sermon Occasioned by the Heroick Death of the Honourable Col. James Gardiner (London, 1745).
(66) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CCIII, 180–1.
(67) Philip Doddridge, Some Remarkable Passages in the Life of the Honourable Col. James Gardiner, Who was Slain at the Battle of Preston-pans, September 21, 1745. (London, 1747).
(68) Rivers, ‘Doddridge’, ODNB.
(69) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 118.
(70) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 169. Julian's claim that ‘we have no record of the printing of this hymn in England until ten years after it appeared in Scotland, when Job Orton gave it in his 1st edn of Doddridge's (posthumous) Hymns’ (Julian, 489) is thus disproved.
(71) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), 64. That version remained unaltered in subsequent eighteenth-century editions (1782, 1783, 1790, 1792, and 1799).
(72) Compare Translations and Paraphrases (1745), 5 and Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 181. In the quotation, the Scottish version is placed in diamond brackets.
(73) ‘Exalted’ appeared as early as 1756 in Translations and Paraphrases, and ‘most honoured’ in 1781; cf. Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 181.
(74) Compare Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 181, and Translations and Paraphrases (1745), 5. Here the Scottish version is placed in diamond brackets. BL Add. MSS 42,558 and 49,197 f. 9b also read ‘Hearts’ in the first line.
(75) The manuscript, however, does not elide weak vowels: BL Add. MS 42,558 pp. 16–17 ff. 9b–10a. Cf. BL Add. MS 49,197. Julian had access to a source in which that hymn is dated 28 December 1735, and J. R. Watson copied the information; but so far the location of that manuscript (perhaps the ‘Rooker manuscript’) has proved elusive. Cf. Julian, 488 and Watson, Anthology, 155.
(76) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 4.
(77) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), 3. Both BL Add. MS 42,558 and BL Add. MS 49,197 (the latter dated 1740 on its title-page) read ‘Oh God of Bethel, by whose Hand’. According to Julian, the hymn is dated ‘Jan. 16 1736/7’ in the Rooker manuscript. The Congregational hymnologist Garrett Horder must have had access to the same source, and the information has been passed down to Watson, who mentions ‘the manuscript, dated 1736 or 1737’; cf. Julian, 831; W. Garrett Horder, The Hymn Lover: An Account of the Rise and Growth of English Hymnody (London: J. Curwen & Sons, 1889), 108; and Watson, Anthology, 156. As there is no entry for Garrett Horder in ODNB, I am grateful to Clyde Binfield for sending me an early draft of his contribution to this volume.
(78) Poems, by the Rev. Mr. Logan, One of the Ministers of Leith (1781), 93–4.
(79) Horder, The Hymn Lover, 107.
(80) Watson, Anthology, 156.
(81) The BBC Hymn Book with Music (OUP, 1982; first publ. 1951), Hymn 490.
(82) The Piano Treasury of Hymns, ed. Wayne Yankie (New York: Shawnee Press, 2006), 37.
(83) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 181.
(84) BL Add. MS 42,558 p. 16, f. 9b.
(85) Watson, Anthology, 155; Alexander Pope, Messiah, ll. 39–40, in The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt, revised edn (London: Methuen, 1968), 191.
(86) Translations and Paraphrases (1745), 5.
(87) Translations and Paraphrases (1756), 8.
(88) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), 64.
(89) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), Advertisement, iv.
(90) Translations and Paraphrases, 1745, Advertisement, n.p.
(91) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 181.
(92) Translations and Paraphrases (1756), 8.
(93) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), 65. That version remained unaltered in subsequent eighteenth-century editions (1782, 1783, 1790, 1792, and 1799).
(94) Doddridge, Scriptural Hymns (1839), 166.
(95) Select Hymns, on Religious Subjects, Taken from David's Psalms, and Other Passages of Holy Scripture, and Adapted for General Use, 3rd edn (Lewes, 1778), 30–1. The date of the first edition is unknown.
(96) Jeremy Goring, Burn Holy Fire: Religion in Lewes since the Reformation (Cambridge: Lutterworth Press, 2003), 70 and 80–4.
(98) Select Hymns on Religious Subjects, Taken from David's Psalms, and Other Passages of Holy Scripture. Chiefly Adapted for the Churches in and about Lewes (London, 1802).
(99) Select Hymns and Anthems, on Religious Subjects, Taken from David's Psalms, and Other Passages of Holy Scripture; and Sung at Tunbridge-Wells Chapel, 6th edn (Tunbridge-Wells, 1792), iii. The ESTC infers from internal evidence that the 5th edition may have been published in 1790, but the date of the first edition is unknown.
(100) Thomas Timpson, Church History of Kent: From the Earliest Period to the Year MDCCCLVIII (London, 1859), 462–78. For an interesting map of Tunbridge Wells in 1806, see Leonard J. Maguire (ed.), The Church Book of Tunbridge Wells ([London]: General Baptist Assembly, 1998), n.p.
(101) See Alan Everitt, ‘Springs of Sensibility: Philip Doddridge of Northampton and the Evangelical Tradition’, in Landscape and Community in England (London and Ronceverte: The Hambledon Press, 1985), 232.
(102) Timpson, Church History of Kent, 473.
(103) Select Hymns and Anthems, on Religious Subjects, 5th edn (Tunbridge Wells, ?1790).
(104) Nuttall, Calendar, xxiv.
(105) For a transcript see Gresham C. G. Thomas, ‘George Whitefield and Friends: The Correspondence of Some Early Methodists’, The National Library of Wales Journal, 27:1 (Summer 1991), 72–4. Apparently, the hymn was ‘undated’ in the unidentified manuscript that Julian consulted: Julian, 600.
(106) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CLXXXVIII, 168.
(107) Thomas, ‘George Whitefield and Friends’, 74.
(108) Nuttall, Calendar, xxxiii.
(109) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 117.
(111) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 118 and Hymns (1755), 56.
(112) Contrary to J. R. Watson's statement, this stanza does not belong to the hymn written by Doddridge in ‘Thanksgiving for the Suppression of the Rebellion. 1746’: cf. Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn XLVI, 41, and Watson, English Hymn, 189.
(113) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 118. In Doddridge, Hymns (1755), 56, the last line was changed to ‘Tho’ briny Tears for ever flow'.
(114) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 118–19 and Hymns (1755), 56–7.
(115) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 117.
(116) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 168.
(117) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 170.
(118) Julian, 598.
(119) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 170 and Hymns (1755), Hymn CCCXXXV, 290.
(120) Julian, 598.
(121) Dodddridge, Hymns (1755), 291.
(122) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 171.
(123) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 171, and Hymns (1755), 291.
(124) John Rippon, The Baptist Annual Register, for 1794, 1795, 1796–1797 (London, n.d. [?1797]), 280.
(125) Rippon, Baptist Annual Register, 232.
(127) Doddridge, Life of Colonel Gardiner, 170.
(128) The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments; with Original Notes…by the Rev. Thomas Scott, 2nd edn (London, 1792), I, n.p.; cf. Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn I, 2.
(129) No. 8 in the appendix to Select Hymns, on Religious Subjects (1778), n.p.; cf. no. 2856 in HTI, III, 530.
(130) No. 5 in the appendix to Select Hymns, on Religious Subjects (1778), n.p.; cf. no. 2863a in HTI, III, 531.
(131) Watkins Shaw, ‘Nares, James’, in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1980), XIII, 38–9 is more detailed and more sympathetic to the composer than J. C. Hadden, ‘Nares, James (bap. 1715, d. 1783)’, rev. K. D. Reynolds, ODNB.
(132) William Riley, Parochial Music Corrected. Containing Remarks on the Performance of Psalmody in Country Churches (London, 1762).
(133) Select Hymns, on Religious Subjects (1778), v.
(134) Select Hymns and Anthems (1792), vi.
(135) See Chapter 8 below. The full title of Select Hymns and Anthems…Sung at Tunbridge-Wells Chapel and the discussion in the preface of ‘the Subjects sung in these Hymns’ underline the close link between text and music.
(136) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), x, iv.
(137) Translations and Paraphrases, in Verse (1781), f. 14a. The copy belongs to the Huntington Library, San Marino, California. (ECCO; ESTC number N046278.)
(138) Alfred Stone (ed.), The Bristol Tune-Book. A Manual of Tunes and Chants. Second Series (London, ), no. 377. In the edition of 1863, ST SAVIOUR is a melody adapted from Mendelssohn for a 18.104.22.168.7.7. metre.
(139) Alfred Stone (ed.), The Bristol Tune-Book (London, ), no. 116. It features as no. 05725 in D. DeWitt Wasson (ed.), Hymntune Index and Related Materials (Lanham, MD and London, 1998), II, 1010, according to which it is better known as CYPRUS and was still widely used in many Protestant denominations throughout the twentieth century.
(140) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CCCLXIII, 315–17. This hymn, with lines of seven syllables, is included in a section in ‘Uncommon Measures’.
(141) Horder, The Hymn Lover, 108.
(142) Nuttall, Calendar, letter 1282.
(143) Museum Southgatianum, Being a Catalogue of the Valuable Collection of Books, Coins, Medals, and Natural History, of the Late Rev. Richard Southgate (London, 1795), 24. For Southgate's life see R. H. Thompson, ‘Southgate, Richard (1729–1795)’, ODNB.
(144) Psalms, Hymns, and Anthems, Sung in the Parish-Church of Burwash (Tunbridge Wells, 1790), Hymns XIV and XV; cf. Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymns CXX, 106–7 and CCCXLII, 296–7.
(145) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn CLXXI, 152–3.
(146) Horder, The Hymn Lover, 107–8.
(147) They are listed in Julian, 802. I am very grateful to Nicholas Temperley for this information. The earliest edition located by Temperley with these extra hymns was published at Cambridge in 1782. He points out that, since at that date the Book of Common Prayer was commonly published with Tate and Brady bound in at the back, Horder's mistake is ‘understandable’ (Nicholas Temperley, e-mail to the author, 27 June 2009).
(148) The Oremus Hymnal, begun in 1998 by Steve Benner, attempts to provide comprehensive information about Anglican English-language hymnody: see http://hymnal.oremus.org/hwiki/index.php/My_God%2C_and_is_thy_table_spread
(149) Lackington's Catalogue for 1792. Consisting of one Hundred Thousand Volumes (London, 1792), 387.
(150) Cf. the Public Advertiser, 23 August 1759 (issue 7738), n.p. for the 2nd edn; the same newspaper, 3 February 1766 (issue 9753), n.p. for the 3rd edn; the General Evening Post, 19 October 1771 (issue 5932), n.p. for the 4th edn; and Lloyd's Evening Post, 8 October 1779 (issue 3479), 348 for the 6th edn.
(151) See Brenda J. Scragg, ‘Lackington, James (1746–1815)’, ODNB.
(152) The First Volume of Lackington, Allen, & Co's Catalogue, Michaelmas 1799, to Michaelmas 1800 (London, ), 485.
(153) John Binns, A Catalogue of Books, for 1797, Containing Several Valuable Libraries, Lately Purchased with a Large and Good Collection of Modern New Books, Of Various Languages, Arts, Sciences, &c. &c. (Leeds, 1797), 147, and Thomas Lucas, A Catalogue of Two Libraries, together with Several Parcels of Scarce, Old, and Valuable Books (Birmingham, 1793), 91.
(154) John Simco, A Catalogue of Books, Prints, and Books of Prints, For 1792 (London, 1792), 137.
(155) Samuel Hayes, A Catalogue of Books, Consisting of a Great Variety of Curious Articles Lately Imported from the Continent (London, 1792), 168.
(156) Bernhard Fabian and Marie-Luise Spieckermann, ‘The English Book on the Continent’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, V: 1695–1830, ed. Michael F. Suarez and Michael L. Turner (Cambridge: CUP, 2009), 529.
(157) See the title page of The First Volume of Lackington, Allen, & Co's Catalogue, Michaelmas 1799.
(158) No. 4431 in HTI. For a recording of this hymn, refer to track 6 of Make a Joyful Noise: American Psalmody 1770–1840, ed. Richard Crawford (New World Records 80255–2, 1996), and the liner notes to this CD, entitled ‘Mainstreams and Backwaters of American Psalmody’, 24–5.
(159) On Timothy Swan's life and works see Sterling E. Murray, ‘Timothy Swan and Yankee Psalmody’, Musical Quarterly, 61 (July 1975), 433–63.
(160) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn LVI, 49.
(161) An autograph note in Swan's own copy of New England Harmony where the composer had written ‘oldest tune, 1777’, and a less reliable memoir by his daughter suggesting that the date of composition might have been as early as 1774, are quoted in Richard Crawford, The Core Repertory of Early American Psalmody (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, c.1984), in the notes on tune 52, xlv: Murray argued less cogently in favour of ‘1774 or early 1775’: ‘Timothy Swan’, 436–7.
(163) Crawford, Core Repertory, notes on tune 52, xlv. See the music on pp. 93ff.
(164) Murray, ‘Timothy Swan’, 439.
(165) John Stickney, The Gentleman and Lady's Musical Companion. Containing, A Variety of Excellent Anthems, Psalm Tunes, &c. – Collected from the Best Authors; with a Short Explanation of the Rules of Musick (Newbury-Port, New England ).
(166) Timothy Swan, New England Harmony. Containing, A Variety of Psalm Tunes, in Three and Four Parts, Adapted to all Metres: Also, a Number of Set Pieces, of Several Verses each, Together with a Number of Anthems (Northampton, MA, 1801), 54–5.
(167) Murray, ‘Timothy Swan’, 442.
(168) Crawford, Core Repertory, notes on tune 52, xlv.
(169) Crawford, Core Repertory, notes on tune 52, xlv.
(170) Doddridge, Hymns (1755), Hymn XLIII, 38–9.
(171) Swan, New England Harmony, 64–6.
(172) Elias Mann, The Collected Works, ed. Daniel C. L. Jones (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1996), 78–81.
(173) Amos Bull, The Responsary (Worcester, 1795), in Amos Bull, The Collected Works, ed. Karl Kroeger (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1996), 125–6.
(174) Karl and Marie Kroeger, Index to Anglo-American Psalmody in Modern Critical Editions ([Madison, WI], 2001), CD‐ROM.
(175) Bull, Works, ed. Kroeger, xii.
(176) See for instance A Collection of Hymns for Christian Worship (Dublin, 1800).
(177) Doddridge, Scriptural Hymns (1839), x.
(178) Horder, The Hymn Lover, 107.