(p.335) Appendix I: Grammar
(p.335) Appendix I: Grammar
(p.335) Appendix I:
Grammar and history are the two subjects selected here in order to demonstrate the potential fruitfulness of comparative studies of monastic library holdings in these as well as in other fields. It is to be hoped that even a brief survey of some of the authors and titles acquired by the cathedral monks in grammar and history will suffice to convince the reader that further endeavour in these and other subjects would be worthwhile.1
The two subjects selected here were both, in their different ways, indispensable for all monks. Grammar in its medieval context was defined by Hugh of St Victor (d. 1141) as ‘la base de toute formation intellectuelle’ because it was essential to the understanding and interpretation of texts.2 In his Corrogationes Promethei Alexander Nequam, almost a century later, expressed the same conviction in slightly different terms: grammar is an ars recte intelligendi not merely an ars recte scribendi and recte proferendi.3 The medieval grammar master, therefore, included in his teaching all the necessary skills that would result in the competent use of both the spoken and written word. This all-encompassing view of what the study of grammar entailed means that it not only comprised syntax, orthography, pronunciation, etymology, and dictamen but it also drew upon, and ventured into, other disciplines such as philosophical, classical, and scriptural studies. The introduction of a philosophical, in addition to a purely practical, approach to grammatical studies came to be distinguished as speculative grammar suitable for more advanced students; and the deployment of texts taken from classical literature and the Bible furnished models to illustrate correct usage for both levels of instruction.4 The fundamental rules of Latin grammar had been laid down by the fourth-century Donatus Grammaticus and his fifth-century successor Priscianus Caesariensis; and many, if not most, of the later grammarians took up the task of writing commentaries on these two forerunners in the field whose works, nevertheless, continued to circulate, as exemplified in the medieval holdings of the cathedral priories. The later medieval teachers were especially concerned to facilitate the study of the Latin language for those who, unlike the pupils of the classical grammarians, were not native speakers, and at the same time to take account of the influence of the writings of the speculative or philosophical grammarians whose interest centred on the theory of language.
A mid-twelfth-century Durham inventory of books records that a monk by the name of Guarinus had an untitled work of Donatus and the De constructionibus of Priscian.5 Later (p.336) book lists from Christ Church indicate that the Canterbury monks had multiple copies of both, those by Priscian being by far the more numerous.6 Despite the existence of several fourteenth-century book catalogues and a large number of surviving books at Durham, only a few contain copies of the antique grammarians, and Donatus is surprisingly rare; the anglicized work attributed to Donatus in the earliest catalogue contains grammatical texts by the English monks Aelfric and Aelfric Bata, whose principal sources were, of course, Donatus and Priscian.7 The name of Priscian occurs in the same Durham book list which records five copies of the Institutiones grammaticae, two of the De constructione and, in addition, six glossed copies of the former and two glossed copies of the latter.8 There is also a surviving manuscript, Cambridge, Jesus College MS 28, which has been identified as one of the ‘Duo Prisciani’ bequeathed to the monks by Bishop Hugh Puiset in 1195.9 Canterbury College also had a copy of the Institutiones available for consultation in 1443; it was listed in the Libri logicales section of the inventory and described as the gift of Thomas Becket.10 Although for the most part we have no knowledge of where, when, and by whom these texts were used, at Durham the novices' book cupboard had, in 1395, the De constructione of Priscian; and there can be little doubt that it was well worn.11
As to the presence of Donatus and Priscian in other cathedral monasteries, our knowledge of Rochester as of Durham benefits from the fortunate survival of an early (c. 1202) catalogue. Listed there are what was probably the Ars minor of Donatus, four copies of Priscian's Institutiones and three of his De constructione.12 Extracts from the writings of Donatus and Priscian are found at Worcester in a fourteenth-century compilation of grammatical treatises and include the latter's Institutiones grammaticae; this volume seems to have passed through the hands of several early fifteenth-century monks, among whom were Richard Lychefeld and Thomas Blackwell.13 A second collection of grammatica at Worcester also includes the Institutiones grammaticae of Priscian, and a third copy of this work is now a volume among the Royal manuscripts.14 It may have been one of these copies, or possibly (p.337) another one, that was among the thirty books accompanying three young Worcester monks to Oxford in the 1430s or 1440s.15
The Ars minor of Donatus also occurs in a surviving manuscript from Coventry cathedral priory where it was bound with other grammatical treatises and texts to form a useful compilation and work of reference. The Coventry compilation is written by a single hand of the first half of the fifteenth century, and it has been suggested that we have here a teaching text for use in the almonry school attached to the cathedral priory.16 The manuscript also contains the grammatical treatise Memoriale iuniorum written by Thomas Hanney, a grammar master about whom little is known apart from the fact that he completed the text in Lewes in 1313.17 In the same Coventry volume are found a metrical tract on grammar, extracts from Bede's De arte metrica, a dictaminal exposition and the Speculum grammaticale of the fourteenth-century Oxford grammar master, John of Cornwall; this last, dated 1346, was intended for advanced students in introducing them to a philosophical, rather than a purely pedagogical, approach to grammar.18
Similar collections of grammatical treatises are found in other cathedral monasteries. A Christ Church grammatical miscellany, for example, now in the British Library, contains a collection of anonymous treatises and notes of various dates between 1396 and 1504; in the late fifteenth century it had belonged to Reginald Goldston, who passed it on to a young monk, William Ingram, for whom he had acted as senior during the latter's noviciate.19 In addition to a Latin/English glossary the volume provides information on the declension of nouns, conjugation of verbs, a De modo latine loquendi, and the second half of a versified grammar known as Graecismus written in the thirteenth century by the little known Everard of Béthune.20
Among the surviving books that formerly belonged to Worcester cathedral library there is an impressive number of grammaticalia, most of them still in situ. One volume, which contained the Ars minor of Donatus, as mentioned above, also contained an anonymous (p.338) commentary on the Ars minor and several treatises of the late thirteenth-century Oxford grammar master Richard Hambury, which, as Richard Hunt has suggested, were probably ‘put together at the instance of someone in authority in the monastic community at Worcester’, perhaps one of the monk students who had been at Oxford in the early years of the fifteenth century and whose names occur in the manuscript.21 In the same manuscript there were also a short tract by John Leyland, an Oxford grammar master who died in 1433, Bede's De schematibus et tropis on figurative language in the Scriptures, the Tropi of William de Montibus, and De tropis loquendi of Peter Cantor; these last two aimed to clarify the meanings and remove the ambiguities and contradictions found in scripture texts.22 Finally, a lengthy section of this volume is taken up by William Brito's Expositiones vocabulorum Bibliae, one of the popular dictionaries recommended for gaining mastery of Latin nomenclature in the reading of Scripture.23
The writings on syntax of two less well-known grammarians are bound into a thirteenth-century Rochester priory manuscript along with glosses on two books of the Old Testament and a collection of sermons. These are the Summa in arte grammaticae of Robert Blund, a canon of Lincoln in the 1180s, and the Summa or commentary on Priscian Minor, usually known by its incipit Absoluta, by Peter Hispanus about whom little is known.24 The Worcester monks also acquired the latter treatise together with the Summa super Priscianum of Peter Helias, a French grammarian of the mid-twelfth century; this manuscript is written in a single, early, fourteenth-century hand and probably came to Worcester about a century later.25 The only other cathedral priory known to have had the text of Peter Hispanus was Christ Church where its presence is recorded in the Eastry catalogue.26
Commentaries on Priscian and other grammatical texts were often bound into volumes of which the contents can only be classed as miscellanea. One of the treatises frequently found in these compilations is a work by the prolific and versatile English writer and teacher Alexander Nequam, who died in 1217 as abbot of the Augustinian house at Cirencester. His Corrogationes Promethei, a popular introduction to grammar, was accompanied by a commentary on difficult words in the Bible.27 Canterbury, Coventry, Durham, Ely, (p.339) Norwich, and Worcester all had one, or more than one, copy according to surviving books and inventories.28 Nequam's Corrogationes was one of the few grammatical treatises by an Englishman to have circulated on the continent, in contrast to the writings of numerous European grammar masters which found a favourable reception in England generally, as well as in the cathedral priories.29
From the many and various surviving texts and manuals—all originating on the continent—that proved most popular in the later middle ages in England, Professor Bursill-Hall has made a selection based on a survey of over 1,300 manuscripts.30 Five of these, which occur in cathedral priory manuscripts and library catalogues, will be selected for discussion here.31
The works of three Italian grammarians belong to Bursill-Hall's selected group: Papias of Pavia (fl. 1050), Hugutio of Pisa (d. 1210), and John Balbus of Genoa or John Januensis (d. post 1286). The Elementarium doctrinae rudimentum of Papias was a useful dictionary of geographical and historical names together with their declensions and derivations, the Liber derivationum of Hugutius an etymological dictionary, and the Catholicon of Balbus a combined grammar and lexicon. Canterbury, Durham, and Norwich are known to have possessed copies of all three; Worcester had Papias and Hugutio while Rochester's early surviving catalogues and manuscripts only record Papias.32 As for Balbus, the Catholicon is first mentioned at Christ Church in a list of books repaired in 1508, but two copies are recorded over a century earlier in a Durham inventory of books and one of these remains in (p.340) situ.33 The libraries of both the Oxford colleges had a copy of the Catholicon; it was found at Canterbury College, along with two copies of Hugutio's Derivationes in 1443; the Durham College Catholicon was listed in a late fourteenth-century inventory under the heading Libri de diccionibus difficilibus.34
A copy of the Elementarium of Papias is included in a fifteenth-century list of books at Yarmouth priory, a cell of Norwich; Hugutio's Derivationes was at St Leonard's priory, also a cell of Norwich on the outskirts of Norwich, in 1424, while the prima pars of the Catholicon of Balbus was among the books purchased by Prior Simon Bozoun during his short rule (1344–52) over the cathedral community and its dependent cells.35 May we presume that the secunda pars was in the cathedral library and that this volume was possibly intended to replace one that had been lost? May we further presume that this evidence of book circulation between the mother house in Norwich and its dependencies suggests the presence of sufficient copies of the above three texts in the cathedral library to allow a monk to take one with him when sent to serve in a cell?
Bursill-Hall has described Papias, Hugutio, and Balbus as glossators whose writings for the most part took the form of commentaries on Donatus and Priscian, but these were little more than dictionaries. Alexander de Villa Dei (c. 1170–c. 1250), Everard de Béthune (early thirteenth century), and the prolific John of Garland (d. c. 1272) on the other hand, were teachers in their own right.36 Alexander's Doctrinale magnum and Everard's Graecismus, commonly found together, were among the most frequently occurring grammatical texts, which appear to have been more widely received by several of the English cathedral monasteries than that of the native born John of Garland, who was highly critical of both foreigners.37 The Doctrinale and Graecismus were designed as teaching texts in competition with the antique grammarians and intended for use by those who had mastered the fundamental rules of grammar. The Durham and Worcester monks had copies of both, bound together in single volumes along with other items; Canterbury seems to have possessed the Graecismus of which there were four copies listed in the Eastry catalogue.38 (p.341) In the 1424 inventory compiled by the outgoing prior of St Leonard's next to Norwich the contents of the library included the Graecismus, while the community at the cathedral in the heart of the city had acquired the Doctrinale according to an early sixteenth-century select list; presumably it was not a recent addition to the library unless as a second or replacement copy.39 One Graecismus can be associated with two Christ Church monks, Eudo de Bocton and Richard de Merstham. It would appear that the volume was relegated to the library before or at the time of Bocton's death in 1309, and that it was subsequently borrowed by Merstham, who had been professed in 1328. Since it was recorded as lost by 1338 it may have been assigned to him in the noviciate.40 The Graecismus appears to have continued in use at Canterbury into the late fifteenth century when a volume of grammatica containing the second part of Everard's text was passed on from Reginald Goldston to William Ingram; the former was the latter's senior in the noviciate.41 Several generations of Worcester monks may also be associated with copies of the Graecismus, Thomas de Hindelep' for one, who was sacrist in the 1280s and, less certainly, Robert de Hambury, John de Fordham, and John de Dudley who, taken together, spanned the years 1365 to 1438.42
The wide range of topics included in the medieval study of grammar has been exemplified by the contents of some of the volumes described above in which the basic rules of Latin construction are found in conjunction with particular aspects of grammar expounded by Bede, Peter Cantor, William Brito, and others. In addition to the known grammarians there were numerous anonymous or unidentified texts, many of them found in grammatica collections.43 The breadth of the subject material covered by both known and unknown authors emphasizes the medieval view of grammar as not only a discipline for the young but as the gateway to the understanding of texts, both religious and secular, which in turn opened the way toward a true understanding of man and his relation to the world.44 The goal of learning today is directed toward the same understanding, but the premises have shifted in a world dominated by secular desires and ambition.
Because the field of grammatical studies included the skills necessary for all forms of literary composition in both prose and verse the art of writing letters in accordance with the approved style was considered an essential part of monastic and clerical education. To this end manuals of instruction were prepared, usually accompanied by model letters illustrating the different classes of correspondence both official and personal.45 These letter collections (p.342) were invaluable in furnishing examples to be imitated and adapted according to the particular circumstances for which a letter was to be written. The cathedral priory book collections display a variety of dictaminal texts and treatises, among which the skills required for epistolary composition figured prominently; but some of the masters of dictamen, or dictatores, dealt with other prose forms as well. Some of the texts remain unidentified, known only by the titles supplied by medieval cataloguers, the Liber de modo dictandi, for example, which appears three times in the Eastry catalogue at Canterbury along with two copies of a Libellus epistolaris in the same catalogue.46 Another anonymous text also occurring in a Christ Church manuscript is one of the few extant copies of the Regina sedens rhetorica which forms part of a miscellany mainly devoted to dictamen and law. The volume was acquired by the monk Henry Cranbroke in 1452 possibly when he was still a student at Oxford.47 There he may also have procured another dictaminal miscellany comprising artes dictandi. This latter contained short instructive treatises, one by Thomas Merke and another possibly by Simon Alcock, English writers who were active in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries.48
Letter collections such as those of Peter de Blois and Peter de Vinea were found in several of the monastic cathedral libraries. The former, although of French birth and education, spent some years in England where he became archdeacon of Bath in the 1180s and produced his first letter collection for distribution.49 Probably at the same time he composed a Libellus de arte dictandi rhetorice to accompany it, but the only surviving copy of this manual belonged to the monks of Reading; nevertheless, one may presume that it must have circulated with the letters.50 The Italian jurist and diplomat Peter de Vinea has recently been described as ‘the greatest stylist and rhetorician in the Latin language of the thirteenth century’.51 Both men had developed their epistolary skills in the chanceries in which they were employed in England and on the Continent, and the fact that both were influential at the English court of their day ensured that their model letters were in popular demand.52 The Canterbury monks were able to consult one of these dictaminal collections in Prior Eastry's day recorded as ‘Epistole P. Blesensis abbreviate’ in his catalogue and a fuller version, ‘Epistole Petri Blesensis’, listed in the section entitled Libri poetrie in the 1501 (p.343) inventory of the warden at Canterbury College Oxford.53 The Eastry catalogue also included the much less common ‘De modo loquendi et scribendi epistolam’ of the early thirteenth-century Bolognese master Guido Faba.54
The Durham monks seem to have acquired a wider selection of dictaminal texts and treatises that did not, as far as we know, include Peter of Blois; but the De forma dictandi of Peter de Vinea and a collection of his letters have been preserved to this day among the Durham manuscripts in a volume containing other dictaminal material.55 A late fourteenth-century paper register of letters, probably compiled by Robert de Lanchester while chancellor of the Durham chapter in the 1380s, was preserved for use as a formulary in all types of correspondence.56 It was kept in the treasury at the north end of the west walk of the cloister beside other dictaminal treatises recorded there in 1421 by the then chancellor John Fishburn; these included two Summae dictaminis, one by Thomas de Capua (d. c. 1249), the other by Richard de Pophis (fourteenth century).57 The Practica dictaminis of Laurence de Aquileia was also available at Durham with its useful compendium of epistolary salutations.58
The correspondence of Peter de Blois was bound with treatises of Priscian and Peter Helias in a Royal manuscript that belonged to Worcester.59 Peter de Vinea's letters, together with some letters from a collection of Epistole by Thomas de Capua, which formed part of his Flores dictaminum, were also among volumes formerly belonging to Worcester and now in the Royal library.60 The monks also had a second copy of the latter (p.344) entitled Summa dictaminis which, however, may not have entered the cathedral library before c. 1530.61 In 1303/4 the Norwich cloister acquired a collection of the letters of Peter de Blois itemized in the cellarer's account for that year pro septem peciis epistolarum Petri Blesensis which the prior, Henry de Lakenham, probably commissioned because the cost was included under the expenses of the camera prioris.62
Neither of the Peters occurs among the identified books formerly belonging to Rochester cathedral priory, but it must be borne in mind that there are no surviving library catalogues later than 1202. However, the monks there were able to consult a text by Geoffrey de Vinsauf which the monk compiler of the inventory of books in the commune librarium in that year listed only as Versus magistri Ge’ Vinisalvi.63 The author, an Englishman who probably lectured in Paris as well as in Northampton, produced a lengthy poem, Poetria nova, which proved to be the ‘single most successful textbook on rhetorical composition written during the middle ages.’ According to Martin Camargo it was ‘accepted as the definitive synthesis of rhetoric and poetics, of theory and practice’.64 One copy survives from Canterbury in an early fifteenth-century manuscript of Artes dictandi probably acquired by Henry Cranbroke as a monk student at Oxford in the middle of the century.65 A Durham Poetria nova is one of the items found in a manuscript in the communi armariolo…infra spendimentum in 1391 and still in situ today.66
Despite the international popularity of the Poetria nova, amply attested by the large number of surviving manuscripts, the cathedral monasteries may have been more impressed by Vinsauf's ‘Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et versificandi’ and by a later augmented and anonymous version of it in which many passages in the latter were copied from the former.67 The shorter version, which is considered to be authentically Vinsauf, was in the library at Canterbury College bound in the same volume as the Poetria nova.68 There are also two surviving copies of the short Documentum formerly in the monastic library at Durham; both are fifteenth century and both are inscribed with names of monks. One which had belonged to Richard Bell, prior 1464 to 1478, was placed in the novo armariolo in claustro in the 1480s or 1490s.69 The other copy remains at Durham in a register of letters, a manuscript which first occurs in an inventory of the monk chancellor John Fishburn in 1421.70 A thirteenth-century copy of the short Documentum belonged to the Worcester (p.345) monks; and the small, semi-independent community at Dover, with their own sizeable library numbering some 450 volumes in 1389, possessed Vinsauf's Poetria nova.71
Several of the cathedral monasteries are known to have made use of the works of other grammarians and lexicographers who were English by birth. One of these authors was Adam de Balsham, more frequently known as Petit Pont after the school in Paris where he taught in the first half of the twelfth century. His major work was the Ars disserendi, the aim of which was to instil the correct use of language in order to safeguard against faulty thinking. This volume was found at Rochester priory before 1202; and his more popular lexicographical De utensilibus ad domum regendam, a dictionary of everyday terms, was one item in a thirteenth-century grammatical compendium at Worcester.72 In 1391 the Durham inventory of the Spendement listed Adam's lexicon under the title Epistola Adae Parvipontani—partes magistri; like the Worcester collection of grammatical texts the Durham volume also contained both Adam's and Alexander Nequam's De nominibus utensilum.73 The presence among cathedral priory book collections of John of Garland's grammatical and lexicographical works, which may be compared with the similar writings of the above two earlier authors, has already been mentioned.74 The Panormia of the mid-twelfth-century Gloucester Abbey monk Osbern Pinnock, also referred to above, should be considered in this group of English writers in the field of grammar of whom the earliest was Bede.75 In his remote northern cell of Jarrow in the early eighth century this Benedictine monk did not confine himself to writing history and biblical commentaries; he composed several grammatical texts including De arte metrica dealing with the art of poetry, ‘De schematibus et tropis sacrae scripturae’ explaining difficult words in the Bible, and De orthographia, a glossary.76 The earliest copy of the De schematibus at Worcester dates from the late tenth century and the latest was purchased by Prior More in 1531, a printed version of 1527. To what extent can this be taken as an indicator of continuing use?77 Moreover, there were additional copies, one in a fourteenth-century volume of grammatica mentioned above, another of approximately similar date—both of these still remaining at Worcester—and a third in which only a brief extract has been preserved.78 Rochester cathedral priory also furnishes evidence of the probable persistent use of the De arte metrica and the De schematibus: they were provided by a monk named as magister G. de Stratton not later than 1122/3 and probably consulted by a mid-fifteenth-century monk, Thomas Wybarn, (p.346) who took the trouble of adding his name on fo xv verso.79 Extant manuscripts of the grammatical works of Bede formerly belonging to Canterbury and Durham cathedral libraries have yet to be found and references to copies in catalogues and inventories are sparse. In Prior Eastry's catalogue, for example, there is a single unambiguously identifiable reference to the De arte metrica and the De schematibus in one volume. Late fourteenth-century Durham library inventories place a copy of the De arte in the Spendement, and a copy of both in the cloister book cupboards.80
Finally, the sole known survivor of the Winchester monks’ collection of grammatical works is a text which has so far not been identified as having belonged to any of the other cathedral priory libraries. This is the Promptuarium parvulorum clericorum attributed to Geoffrey the Grammarian. It is probably the earliest English–Latin dictionary and, as such, would surely have been well thumbed by Benedictine novices.81 Its presence at Winchester prompts one to imagine what might have been its neighbours on the cathedral library bookshelves; and its apparent absence elsewhere may, in part, be the result of the dearth of book catalogues and inventories of the second half of the fifteenth century.82
The question arises as to how many of the above grammatical texts were placed in the hands of novices; to this Rodney Thomson offers his considered reply based on the surviving manuscripts in Worcester cathedral library. For him these would include Nequam's Corrogationes, Papias's Elementarium, Hugutio's Liber derivationum, Everard de Béthune's Graecismus, Pinnock's Panormia, and, of course, Donatus and Priscian and their later commentators like Peter Helias’ Summa super Priscianum.83 In all cases the reading of such texts would have been preceded and accompanied by oral instruction, a challenging task since the grammar being inculcated was that of a foreign tongue.84
Attention has recently been drawn to the possibility that the Benedictines may have made a far from insignificant contribution to the teaching of grammar, rhetoric, and dictamen in medieval England. The suggestion was put forward by Martin Camargo while taking note of the collections of key texts found among the books belonging to student monks at Oxford. Among the monks he names Henry Cranbroke of Canterbury College and Richard Bell and William Law of Durham College.85 To these should be added John Lawerne and his fellow (p.347) monks Isaac Ledbury and John [Broghton] of Worcester, and Thomas Wybarn of Rochester.86 As Camargo points out it was often the Oxford trained monks who taught the novices; in so doing they may have been at least to some degree playing their part in attempting to implement Benedictine policy aimed at circumventing the faculty of theology requirement that graduation in arts was a necessary preliminary to the study of theology.87 In addition, Camargo goes so far as to postulate that the ‘Benedictine interest in rhetorical training seems to have led not only to the composition of new texts but also to the recovery of texts that had lain unused in monastic libraries since the thirteenth century.’88 In support of this hypothesis he cites the anonymous Tria sunt, the earliest copies of which are of thirteenth-century origin. The survival of a number of fifteenth-century versions, such as those at Worcester and the Oxford colleges of Canterbury and Durham, points to its renewed popularity and leads Camargo to suggest that it may have been ‘rediscovered’ by monks who, in surveying their library holdings for suitable teaching material in grammar and rhetoric, came across the Tria sunt which had been left unnoticed for a century or more.89
Neither the contribution of Benedictine monks to the teaching of Latin grammar nor the degree of aptitude and standard of achievement found among the majority of their student novices can ever be accurately assessed. The lack of sufficient documentation to enable us to answer these and other related questions can be at least partly explained by the fact that much of the teaching was conducted orally and has left no written evidence. That the professed monk was adequately competent and comfortable in both the spoken and written language of the Church can, however, hardly be doubted.90 The fact that the cathedral monasteries, as we have seen, were on the whole well stocked with a variety of grammatical teaching aids and manuals strongly suggests that novice masters in particular and members of the community in general kept abreast of developments in the field.
(1) See above, 159.
(2) Jean Leclercq, ‘Le De grammatica de Hugues de Saint-Victor’, Archives d'Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age, 14 (1943/45), 263–322 at 263. See also Hugh's specific reference to Donatus, Priscian, and Servius as the prescribed grammatical texts, Jerome Taylor (ed.), Didascalicon, 90.
(3) R. W. Hunt, The Schools and the Cloister: the life and writings of Alexander Nequam, ed. and revised by Margaret Gibson (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1984), 41.
(4) It was soon perceived, however, that there was an unavoidable contradiction between models extracted from classical pagan literature and those drawn from Christian sources.
(5) Cat. Vet. Durham, 9; a second unidentified work by Donatus and written in English is listed in the same catalogue, ibid., 6. The De constructionibus of Priscian, or Priscian minor, consists of Books 17 and 18 of his Institutiones grammaticae. For Guarinus or Warin see LVD, iii, C.232.
(6) James, ALCD, Eastry catalogue: the Ars maior of Donatus, book 3 (or De barbarismo), item nos 98, 676, 677, 847, 1364, 1575, 1622; Priscian, Institutiones grammaticae nos 389–95, 846, 1480 (Priscianus Magnus or Maior), and De constructione nos 396–7, 518, 1530, 1561 (1681, Priscianus minor), 1791. (The first eighteen items of the c. 1170 catalogue are also various writings of Priscian, several with monks names attached, ibid., 7). Four items in the Eastry catalogue include works of both Donatus and Priscian, item nos 847, 1481, 1533, 1622.
(7) This volume, now MS 154 in St John's College Oxford, was identified by its second folio incipit that had been noted in two Durham inventories of books in Cat. Vet. Durham, 33E2 and 111E.
(8) Cat. Vet. Durham, 3–4; later items, e.g., 32H1, 33G2, P1, 49M, 111G, 111A2 may have been identical with some of the early copies. Note that the De constructione and the De constructionibus refer to the same work.
(9) Cat. Vet. Durham, 49N, 119; this volume is the Institutiones.
(10) Pantin, Canterbury College Oxford, i, 6, item no. 101.
(12) Sharpe, EBL, at B79.178 (Donatus); B79.173, B79.175 (Priscian) and a Quintus Prisciani, B79.174, that had previously belonged to a Magister Robert, perhaps Robert de Waletone, prior of the cell of Felixstowe; see BRECP, 646.
(13) WCM MS F.61; these two monks are in BRECP, 840 (Lychefeld), 776–7 (Blackwell); the insertion of their names on the verso of the end folio may have been merely pen-trials.
(14) WCM MS Q.5 (eleventh century); BL MS Royal 15 B.xiv. Two short extracts, Expositio Donati, and Ridimus Donati, occur in WCM MS Q.50 a thirteenth-century grammatical compendium.
(15) Sharpe, EBL, at B116.25; the monks were John Broghton, John Lawerne, and Isaac Ledbury, all in BRECP, 780–1, 830–1, 832–3 respectively. Priscian was required reading for university students and, although monks were presumably exempt from this prescription, they were no doubt advised to bring copies for reference.
(16) The manuscript is now Oxford, Bodley Auct. F.3.9 and the suggestion as to its probable use was made by J. N. Miner, The Grammar Schools of Medieval England, A. F. Leach in Historical Perspective (McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal, 1990), 138. Almonry school boys and novices were sometimes taught together; see above 103.
(17) See the references under his name in Sharpe, Latin Writers, 659–60; and note the remark of R. W. Hunt, ‘Oxford Grammar Masters in the Middle Ages’, Oxford Studies Presented to D. A. Callus, Oxford Historical Society, new series 16 (Oxford, 1964), 175n.: he states that Hanney's treatise also occurs anonymously in another Coventry manuscript, Oxford, Bodley Auct. F.5.23, with the title ‘Obiectiones Donati’. Hunt's paper on Oxford grammar masters has been reprinted in a collection of his papers edited by G. L. Bursill-Hall, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages, Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, series III, vol. 5 (Benjamins, Amsterdam, 1980), 167–91. This same treatise is also in the Worcester grammatical compendium WCM MS Q.50; see above note 14.
(18) For a brief history of medieval grammar see G. L. Bursill-Hall, Speculative Grammars of the Middle Ages, the Doctrine of Partes Grationis of the Modistae (Mouton, The Hague/Paris, 1971), 15–36, especially 24–9.
(19) The manuscript is BL Harley 1587. Both Reginald Goldston I and William Ingram I are in BRECP, 172–3 and 209 respectively. It is quite probable that Ingram attended the almonry school before entering the noviciate and that he himself later taught the novices grammar; but evidence is lacking.
(20) See below 340–1.
(21) See note 13 above for the names of the monks in this manuscript, WCM F.61 (fourteenth century). See Hunt, ‘Oxford Grammar Masters’, 164 (note 17 above); these treatises include Hambury's Summa grammaticae, and several of the unascribed pieces are probably also by him, ibid., 165.
(22) There is a lengthy section devoted to the Tropi of William de Montibus in Joseph Goering's William de Montibus (c. 1140–1213), The Schools and the Literature of Pastoral Care, Studies and Texts 108, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies (Toronto, 1992), 349–88.
(23) A detailed list of the contents is in Thomson, Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedral, 37–9. It must be borne in mind that Latin was a second language for the monks, only acquired after diligent study and practice. For Brito see above 145, 148.
(24) BL MS Royal 2 D.xxx. See R. W. Hunt, ‘The Summa of Petrus Hispanus on Priscianus Minor’, Historiographia Linguistica, 2 (1975), 1–23. For Blund see BRUO, i, 206–7.
(25) WCM MS F.137; Helias has been described by G. L. Bursill-Hall as the ‘most famous master of grammar in the twelfth century’ who was one of the earliest to ‘make a systematic attempt to relate the ideas of the new philosophy (Aristotle) to the study of grammar’, Bursill-Hall, Speculative Grammars (note 18 above), 28, 16. A second copy of Helias’ Summa at Worcester is found in WCM MS F.99, but the date of arrival of this manuscript at Worcester is unknown.
(26) James, ALCD, item no. 1528; Dover priory also lists a copy in its catalogue dated 1389, bound in a volume with six other grammatical treatises, Stoneman, Dover Priory, at BM1.387g.
(27) In The Schools and the Cloister: the Life and Writings of Alexander Nequam, ed. and revised by Margaret Gibson (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1984), the author, R. W. Hunt, remarks that the Corrogationes appears to be mainly lecture notes on Donatus and Priscian, 37–8.
(28) James, ALCD, Eastry catalogue, item nos 650, 727, 1249, 1633, Promotheus [sic] et glose super eundem (Canterbury); Oxford, Bodley MS Auct. F.5.23 (Coventry); Cat. Vet. Durham, 33D3, 49F, the 1391 and 1395 inventories, respectively recording two different texts, one of which may have survived in part as CUL MS Kk.5.10 (thirteenth century) (Durham); Oxford, Bodley MS Laud misc. 112 (Ely); Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 460, thirteenth/fourteenth century (Norwich); WCM MS F.1 mid-thirteenth century and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 217, fourteenth century (Worcester). It should be noted that the surviving Durham copy, which also contains the vulgate Bible, states on fo 8v ‘iste liber assignatur armariolo noviciorum per magistrum Thomam Swalwell STP’ (LVD, iii, C.1221) in the early sixteenth century.
(29) The Panormia or Liber Derivationes of Nequam's older contemporary, Osbern Pinnock, monk of Gloucester, is another exception. Among the cathedral priories only Canterbury and possibly Worcester are known to have had copies of the Panormia while over twenty survive on the continent; James, ALCD, Eastry catalogue item no. 531 and WCM MS Q.37 which may not have reached Worcester before the sixteenth century.
(30) See G. L. Bursill-Hall, ‘Teaching Grammars of the Middle Ages, the Manuscript Tradition’, Historiographia Linguistica, 4 (1977), 1–29.
(31) This is, of course, an arbitrary selection.
(32) Several Canterbury copies of Papias are recorded in the Eastry catalogue, James, ALCD, item nos 344, 526, 614, 1358 (imperfect); for Durham see Cat. Vet. Durham, 49I (1395 inventory); the Norwich copies are identified in note 35 below; Bishop Hamo de Hethe bequeathed his copy to the cathedral church of Rochester in 1346, Sharpe, EBL, at B82.12; the Worcester copy, of late thirteenth-century date and probably acquired at Oxford, is still in situ as WCM MS F.20.
Hugutio is also in the Eastry catalogue, James, ALCD, item no. 530, bound with Bruto (recte Brito) and formerly in the possession of Thomas de Stureye junior (d. 1298). This same volume had migrated to Canterbury College by or before 1443; see note 33 below. Stureye also owned two other grammatical works of reference, Isidore's Etymologia and Osbern Pinnock's Panormia, BRECP, 296 (Thomas Stureye II); item no. 1478 in the Eastry catalogue, Huguntio [sic], may also be a copy of the Liber derivationum. A Durham Hugutio survives in situ, DCL MS C.I.20 (later thirteenth and fourteenth century), bound with Isidore's Etymologia; three copies are listed in the 1395 inventory, Cat. Vet. Durham, 49K, L, M2, one of which may be the surviving manuscript. Worcester cathedral library has also retained its Hugutio, now WCM MS F.22, a later thirteenth-century acquisition, again probably via Oxford.
(33) James, ALCD, item no. 156 p. 158 and Pantin, Canterbury College Oxford, i, item no. 4, p. 3 (Christ Church); Cat. Vet. Durham, 49 A and B of which B is now DCL MS B.I.31.
(34) Pantin, Canterbury College Oxford, i, item no. 4 p. 3 (Catholicon); ibid., item nos 5 p. 3 and 102 p. 6 (Derivationes, the former, bound with Brito had belonged to Thomas Stureye; see note 32 above). Pantin, ‘Durham College Catalogues’, 244, item no. 86.
(35) Sharpe, EBL, at B64.9 (Yarmouth), B62.39 (St Leonard's), B58.21 (Bozoun).
(36) R. W. Hunt, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages, Collected Papers ed. with introduction by G. L. Bursill-Hall. Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, iii, Studies in the History of Linguistics, 5, Amsterdam—John Benjamins B. V. (1980), introduction, xvii.
(37) Bursill-Hall, ‘Teaching Grammars’ (note 30 above), 6–14. For John of Garland, who taught mainly in France see A. G. Rigg, A History of Anglo-Latin Literature 1066–1422 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992), 163–6 and Bursill-Hall, ‘Johannes de Garlandia—Forgotten Grammarian and the Manuscript Tradition’, Historiographia Linguistica, 3 (1976) 155–77. Two Worcester manuscripts, WCM Q.50 and BL Harley 4967, included several of Garland's grammatical treatises and a Durham manuscript, DCL C.IV.26, also contains his work; the 1524 inventory of books at Canterbury College lists ‘Johannes de Gerlandia de artificio ?grate/orate elocucionis’, James, ALCD, item no. 284, p. 172.
(38) DCL MS C.IV.26, late thirteenth century (Durham), and a second incomplete copy of the Graecismus has survived in Bodley MS Laud Lat. 12 (Oxford, Durham College); WCM MS F.147 was probably written at Worcester in the late thirteenth century and there is a second copy of the Graecismus in WCM MS Q.50 (thirteenth century) with other grammatical material (Worcester); James, ALCD, Eastry catalogue, item nos 631, 687, 688, 1482, and an incomplete text survives in BL MS Harley 1587 that is dated 1396 (Canterbury). It should be noted that the Doctrinale and Graecismus are often found together and, in their turn gave rise to a number of commentaries often anonymous.
(41) The volume is now BL MS Harley 1587 (see also note 38 above); Reginald Goldston I and William Ingram I are in BRECP, 172–3 and 209 respectively.
(42) Hindelep's name is on fo 1 of WCM MS F.147 and the other three names appear as pen-trials on an end fly leaf of WCM MS Q.50. These monks are all in BRECP, 822 (Hindelep’), 816 (Hambury), 805–7 (Fordham), 797–9 (John de Dudley I) or 799 (John Dudley II); but note that only for Dudley I have I made reference to MS Q.50. R. M. Thomson identified Hambury and Fordham in Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedral, 150, for which I thank him; and it is he who suggests that the reference there is probably to the second John Dudley, ibid.
(43) For example, item no. 956 in the Eastry catalogue lists seven treatises in one volume including a ‘dictionarius, libellus de regulis artis grammatice, libellus de prepositionibus, ars legendi in ecclesia’, James, ALCD, 93. Again, a Master Hamo before 1202 left the Rochester monks ‘Bina volumina de glossis diversis. Unum de Rhetorice aliud de dialectica et Grammatica cum pluribus summis’, Sharpe, EBL, at B79.211.
(44) Bursill-Hall, ‘Johannes de Garlandia’, 155 (note 37 above).
(45) The historical value of all types of medieval correspondence has long been recognized as Martin Camargo pointed out in ‘Ars dictaminis, Ars dictandi, Typologie des Sources du moyen âge occidental’, fasc. 60 (Brepols, Turnhout, 1991), 56–9.
(46) James, ALCD, item nos 630, 684, 1427 and 676, 1574.
(47) This treatise has been edited and transcribed from the Canterbury manuscript, now BL MS Royal 10B.ix, by Martin Camargo in Medieval Rhetorics of Prose Composition, five English Artes Dictandi and their tradition, vol. 115, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies (Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, Binghamton, New York, 1995), 169–221. For Henry Cranbroke II see BRECP, 132.
(48) The manuscript is now Oxford, Bodley Selden supra 65. Merke, a monk of Westminster and later bishop of Carlisle, wrote the Formula moderni et usitati dictaminis which is described by R. G. Davies in the ODNB as a ‘guide to letter-writing for apprentice estate managers’ and therefore not out of place in monastic libraries. To Alcock, who may have taught at Oxford and was incorrectly named as Reginald in this manuscript, is ascribed a De arte dictaminis. See Pantin, Canterbury College Oxford, i, 112–13 and Camargo, Medieval Rhetorics (note 47 above), 110 where the contents of the manuscript are described.
(49) See the excellent summary of his career by Richard Southern in ODNB.
(50) The manuscript is now CUL Dd.9.38. In the article cited in the previous note Southern affirms the authenticity of Peter of Blois’ authorship of the Libellus, a view which Camargo had challenged in ‘The Libellus de arte dictandi attributed to Peter of Blois’, Speculum, 59 (1984), 16–41. See also Sharpe, Latin Writers, 418–19 under Blois.
(51) Marie-Claire Gerard Zai, ‘Pier della Vigna: a Latin manuscript discovered in the Lilly Library at Indiana University’, Scriptorium, 32 (1978), 259–63 at 260.
(52) While Peter of Blois died c. 1212, Peter de Vinea was active during the first half of the thirteenth century.
(53) James, ALCD, item no. 1227 (p. 107) and Pantin, Canterbury College Oxford, i, 26, item no. 296. Dover Priory catalogue of 1389 lists both of these, Stoneman, Dover Priory, at BM1. 98p, 110h, 133a, 135a, all incomplete (Blois); BM1. 327d is the Libellus, see note 50 above. Lena Wahlgren's The Letter Collections of Peter of Blois, Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia 58 (Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, Göteborg, 1993) does not include reference to the provenance of the manuscripts she cites.
(54) Presumably the Summa modo dictaminis, James, ALCD, item no. 1508. There is another copy listed as Dictamina M. Guydonis in the same catalogue, item no. 528. For brief notes on Faba see N. Denholm-Young, ‘The Cursus in England’ in Collected Papers on Mediaeval Subjects (Blackwell, Oxford, 1946), 48–50, and Charles B. Faulhaber, ‘The Summa dictaminis of Guido Faba’ in James J. Murphy ed., Medieval Eloquence, Studies in the Theory and Practice of Medieval Rhetoric (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1978), 85–111.
(55) DCL MS C.IV.24 (thirteenth/fourteenth centuries); it is listed in a 1395 inventory of the cloister library, Cat. Vet. Durham, 48AG.
(56) Now DCL MS C.IV.25; see W. A. Pantin, ‘English Monastic Letter-Books’ in Historical Essays in Honour of James Tait (Manchester, 1933), 201–22, especially 210–11. For Lanchester see LVD, iii, C.948.
(57) Cat. Vet. Durham, 123–4, 124 I and P. The Summa of Richard de Pophis, compiled from papal registers, is one of the items in a volume inscribed with the name of Prior John Wessington (1416–46) (LVD, iii, C.1028) and now in the British Library MS Lansdowne 397. Durham MS C.IV.25 also contains dictaminal treatises, one by William Whalley, a monk of Whalley (n.d.), and several by anonymous authors; see also note 70 below. For Fishburn see LVD, iii, C.1031.
(58) Now Oxford, Bodley MS Laud misc. 402.
(59) BL MS Royal 15 B.iv. There may have been another copy of Blois in the Worcester cathedral library, viz., MS Q.25, which was listed as missing in 1821 according to J. K. Floyer and S. G. Hamilton in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Chapter Library of Worcester Cathedral (James Parker & Co, Oxford, 1906), 173, where they print a note from the chapter minutes of that year. On the other hand it may be the same volume, because the Catalogue of Royal Manuscripts states that 15 B.iv ‘was not identified in the old catalogues of the Royal collection’, ii, 155; moreover, the itemized description in both catalogues is a partial match and one cannot be sure if Floyer and Hamilton were quoting more than an incomplete summary of the contents.
(60) BL MS Royal 10 B.x (fourteenth century) contains both Peter de Vinea's letters and those of Thomas de Capua.
(61) WCM MS Q.62; see Thomson, Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedral, 158.
(62) Sharpe, EBL, at B57.19; the amount paid was 5s. 10d. For Lakenham, reputed to have been a magister and a collector of books, see BRECP, 531–2. A grammatical text (now Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College MS 136) assigned to the cell of Norwich at (King's) Lynn and ascribed to a prior, John Palmer, by Neil Ker (in MLGB, 127, 280) is a mistaken identification.
(63) Sharpe, EBL, at B79.124b where it has been suggested that this was probably Vinsauf's Poetria nova; however, since the latter was dedicated to Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) it is improbable that this work could have reached Rochester in time to have been included in the catalogue.
(64) Both statements were made by Martin Camargo, who probably overstates his case: the first is in ODNB under Geoffrey de Vinsauf (Galfridus Anglicus); the second is in ‘Tria sunt; the Long and the Short of Geoffrey of Vinsauf's Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et versificandi’, Speculum, 74 (1999), 935–55 at 949.
(65) See above note 48 where the manuscript in which it occurs, Oxford, Bodley MS Selden supra 65, is described. This is probably the same volume which is listed only by its incipit Papa stupor mundi in a 1524 inventory of the Canterbury College library, James, ALCD, item no. 177 (p. 169).
(66) DCL MS C.IV.23.
(67) See Martin Camargo's article ‘Tria sunt’ in note 64 which compares at length the ‘short’ and the ‘long’ Documentum.
(68) That is Oxford, Bodley MS Selden supra 65; see above note 48.
(69) It is now Cambridge, Sidney Sussex College MS 56. Prior Bell passed it on to another Durham monk, William Law; see Watson, MLGB Supplement, 86 under Bell, Ricardus. Bell is C.1109 and Law C.1169 in LVD, iii.
(70) Now DCL MS C.IV.23; see Cat. Vet. Durham, 124L.
(71) The Worcester Documentum is now Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 217; Worcester MS Q.79, also Vinsauf, did not belong to the cathedral until long after the Dissolution. The Dover Poetria, bound with extracts from Priscian, is now Cambridge, Trinity College MS 624.
(72) Sharpe, EBL, at B79.163 (Rochester); WCM MS Q.50 (Worcester) which has been described above, 336 n.14. For a recent assessment of Adam's De utensilibus see Tony Hunt, Teaching and Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England, 3 vols (Woodbridge, 1991), i, 165–71; it is sometimes known as Phaletolum after its incipit.
(73) Cat. Vet. Durham, 33D3; the title in full was Epistola Adami Balsamiensis ad Anselmum. There were five copies of Adam's Phaletolum listed in the 1391 Dover Priory catalogue, Stoneman, Dover Priory, at BM1.408e, 412c, 440h, 440i, 442f.
(74) See note 37 above.
(75) See note 29 above.
(76) An informative summary of Bede's life and writings is provided by J. Campbell in ODNB; for his biblical exegesis see above 105 and for his historical achievements see below 353–4.
(77) The tenth-century copy is preserved at Worcester as MS Q.5; it also contains the De arte metrica and was probably in the monastic library by the twelfth century. Professor Thomson suggests that it may have come from the Christ Church scriptorium, Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedral, 120. The latest is listed in the record of More's acquisitions in Sharpe, EBL, at B117.63.
(78) WCM MSS F.61, and F.123; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 217.
(79) The manuscript in question is now Cambridge, Trinity College MS 1128; Stratton and Wybarn are both included in BRECP, 640 and 649–50 respectively. Bede's De orthographia is not included in the 1122/23 catalogue where the other two treatises are recorded at B77.67 in Sharpe, EBL; however, it occurs in the 1202 catalogue, ibid., at B.79.176.
(80) Eastry catalogue, James, ALCD, item no. 93. The Spendement inventory, dated 1391, is in Cat. Vet. Durham where the entry is at 20C2, and the extensive 1395 list of books in the cloister book cupboards located ‘in diversis locis infra claustrum’ includes both, ibid., 64–5F.
(81) The ODNB article under Geoffrey the Grammarian is not reliable; see R. Sharpe, ‘Thomas Tanner (1674–1735), the 1697 Catalogue and Bibliotheca Britannica’, in The Library, 7th series, 6 (2005), 381–421, at 409–17.
(82) The Promptorium or Promptuarium remains in the cathedral library at Winchester where it is MS 15; it was edited by A. Way, Camden Society, old series, 3 vols (1843–65). See Sharpe, Latin Writers, 124.
(83) View expressed in conversation with the author.
(84) See above 65–6, 70, Episcopal injunctions reveal that speaking Latin was an uphill struggle. For example, Archbishop Sudbury in January 1377 ordered that the [Christ Church] monks magis utantur loqui latinam, Reg. Sudbury, fo 32.
(85) M. Camargo, ‘Toward a Comprehensive Art of Written Discourse: Geoffrey of Vinsauf and the Ars dictaminis’, Rhetorica, vi (1988), 167–94 at 178. For Cranbroke see Henry Cranbroke II, BRECP, 132 and for Bell and Law, BRUO, i, 161–2 and ii, 1111–12 respectively. Cranbroke was at Oxford in the 1440s, Bell in the 1430s, and Law in the 1460s. The careers of Bell and Law are also in LVD, iii, C.1109 and C.1169.
(86) Lawerne and his companions were at Gloucester College in the 1430s and 1440s taking with them some thirty volumes for which a list of titles has survived; it included Priscian's Institutiones grammaticae, see Sharpe, EBL at B116 and BRECP, 830–1 (John Lawerne I), 832–3 (Isaac Ledbury), 780–1 (John Broghton); Sharpe points out that the name Broghton is in part illegible, with the result that there is a slight doubt as to the correct reading. Wybarn was at Oxford in the 1460s with unknown and unnamed books in his possession. What is certain, however, is that he inserted his name and verse-logo in a number of Rochester volumes, one of which is an early twelfth-century Grammatica described above (345–6); see BRECP, 649–50 for Wybarn.
(87) Camargo, ‘Tria sunt’, 953–4 (note 64 above).
(90) One has only to read the letters composed by William Glastynbury to his Christ Church brethren at Canterbury College to observe the facility with which he expressed himself without the benefit of university training; see the entry under his name in BRECP, 169.