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Immigration and Perceptions of National Political Systems in Europe$

Lauren McLaren

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780198739463

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2015

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198739463.001.0001

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(p.156) (p.157) Appendix A Measurement of Items Used in Data Analysis

(p.156) (p.157) Appendix A Measurement of Items Used in Data Analysis

Source:
Immigration and Perceptions of National Political Systems in Europe
Author(s):

Lauren M. McLaren

Publisher:
Oxford University Press

Chapter 2 The Nation-State, Democracy, andNational Identity in Europe

Figure 2.1. How Close Respondent Feels to Country

Source: Eurobarometer 71.3, from June–July 2009 (ZA4973; available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

‘I would like you to think about the idea of geographical identity. Different people think of this in different ways…To what extent do you personally feel you are…(NATIONALITY)’. The response choices are: To a great extent, Somewhat, Not really, or Not at all.

Figures 2.2–2.7 and Figure 2.9. Nationality: Important to…

These figures are based on ZA3910: International Social Survey Programme: National Identity II-ISSP 2003, available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Q.3 ‘Some people say that the following things are important for being truly [NATIONALITY]. Others say they are not important. How important do you think each of the following is…’

(Please tick one box on each line)

Q.3a To have been born in [COUNTRY]

Q.3b To have [COUNTRY] citizenship

Q.3c To have lived in [COUNTRY] for most of one’s life

Q.3d To be able to speak [COUNTRY LANGUAGE]

Q.3e To be a [religion]

Q.3f To respect [COUNTRY NATIONALITY] political institutions and laws

Q.3g To feel [COUNTRY NATIONALITY]

Q.3h To have [COUNTRY NATIONALITY] ancestry

(The dominant religion or denomination in your country should be given (e.g., Christian in the US and Canada, Catholic in Ireland and Italy, Russian Orthodox in Russia)) (p.158)

  1. 1 Very important

  2. 2 Fairly important

  3. 3 Not very important

  4. 4 Not important at all

  5. 8 Can’t choose

  6. 9 No answer, refused.

Note:

Precode: ‘truly [NATIONALITY]’, E.g., ‘truly British’, American ‘a true American’.

Figure 2.8. Impossible for Those Who Do Not Share Country’s Customsand Traditions to Become Fully [Country’s] Nationality

Q.8 How much do you agree or disagree with the following statements?

(Please tick one box on each line)

Q.8a It is impossible for people who do not share [COUNTRY’s] customs and traditions to become fully [COUNTRY’S NATIONALITY]

  1. 1 Agree strongly

  2. 2 Agree

  3. 3 Neither agree nor disagree

  4. 4 Disagree

  5. 5 Disagree strongly

  6. 8 Can’t choose

  7. 9 No answer, refused.

Data: Eurobarometer 71.3, June–July 2009 (ZA4973; available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

Figure 2.10. Emphasis on Civic and Ascriptive Items

Figure 2.11. Emphasis on Culture and Language

Components of national identity emphasized by respondents are measured with the following survey items: ‘People differ in what they think it means to be [NATIONALITY]. In your view, among the following, what do you think are the most important characteristics to be [NATIONALITY] (MAXIMUM OF THREE ANSWERS)? (1) To be a Christian; (2) To share [NATIONALITY] cultural traditions; (3) To be born in [OUR COUNTRY]; (4) To have at least one [NATIONALITY] parents; (5) To feel [NATIONALITY]; (6) To master [COUNTRY LANGUAGE] (OR FOR MULTILANGUAGE COUNTRIES) (7) To master one of the official languages of [OUR COUNTRY]; (8) To exercise citizens’ rights, for example voting in [OUR COUNTRY]; (9) To have been brought up in [OUR COUNTRY]; (10) Being active in any association or organization in [OUR COUNTRY]’.

Respondents who chose items 3, 4, or 9 were assumed to emphasize ascriptive identity and respondents who chose items 5, 8, or 10 were assumed to emphasize civic identity. For Figure 2.10, respondents who gave any of the civic items as responses were coded 1 for the creation of the grey bars; respondents who gave any of the ascriptive items as responses were coded 1 for the creation of the black bars. For Figure 2.11, respondents who gave culture or language as responses were used for the grey and black bars, respectively.

(p.159) Chapter 3 Public Opposition to Immigration

Table B0. Means and Standard Deviations of EuropeanSocial Survey 2002–03 Items Shown in Chapter 3

Source: European Social Survey 2002–03 (available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

Question wording: ‘Is [country] made a worse or a better place to live by people coming to live here from other countries?’ (0 = worse place to live; 10 = better place to live) (D29).

‘Using this card, would you say that people who come to live here generally take jobs away from workers in [country], or generally help to create new jobs?’ (0 = Take jobs away; 10 = Create new jobs) (D25).

‘Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]’s economy that people come to live here from other countries?’ (0 = Bad for the economy; 10 = Good for the economy) (D27).

‘Would you say that [country]’s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries?’ (0 = cultural life undermined; 10 = cultural life enriched) (D28).

Table 3.4. Immigrants Threat to Values/Culture, Autumn 1988

How different or similar do you think [outgroup] living here are to other [nationality] people like yourself?

The values that they teach their children (Q359)

Their religious beliefs or practices (Q360)

Their physical features (Q361)

Their sexual values or sexual preferences (Q362)

The language they speak (Q364).

Response options for these items are: Very different, Somewhat different, Somewhat similar, Very similar. Responses shown in Table 3.4 are those who said Very or Somewhat different.

[Outgroup] living here teach their children values and skills different from those required to be successful in [country]. Agree strongly, Agree somewhat, Disagree somewhat, Disagree strongly (Q355)

The cultures of the home countries of [outgroup] are less well developed than that of [country]. Agree strongly, Agree somewhat, Disagree somewhat, Disagree strongly (Q357)

All of these questions follow from an earlier question that begins ‘I would like to get your feelings about the groups on this list’.

Figure 3.1. Too Many Immigrant Workers, 1984

Source: Eurobarometer 21, March–April 1984 (available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

Concern about immigration: ‘I will now ask your opinion on a number of items. Will you please, for each item, select on this list the answer which best describes your own opinion. We have too many immigrant workers’ (1 Disagree completely, 2 Disagree to some extent, 3 Agree if anything, 4 Broadly agree, 5 Completely agree) (Q.254).

(p.160) Figure 3.2. Immigrants a Big Problem, 1993

Source: EB39 (March 1993; ZA2346; available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

Question wording: ‘Do you think immigrants and/or political asylum seekers are a big problem for [OUR COUNTRY], or are they not a big problem?’ (DK would have been a spontaneous response) (Q.37).

Figure 3.3. Immigrants Make Country Worse or Better Place to Live, 2002

Source: European Social Survey 2002–03 (available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014).

Question wording: ‘Is [country] made a worse or a better place to live by people coming to live here from other countries?’ (0 = worse place to live; 10 = better place to live) (D29).

Figure 3.4. Numbers of Immigrants Should Be Reduced a Littleor Reduced a Lot, 2003

Source: ZA3910: International Social Survey Programme: National Identity II-ISSP 2003, available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Do you think the number of immigrants to [COUNTRY] nowadays should be…

Increased a lot, Increased a little, Remain the same, Reduced a little, Reduced a lot, Can’t choose (Q.11).

Figure 3.5. Foreigners/Minorities Exploit Social Benefits

1994: ZA2491 Eurobarometer 41.1.

Q.61 I’m going to read out some statements. For each, please tell me whether you tend to agree with it or tend to disagree?…

Q.61b Foreigners exploit our social welfare system

(Tend to agree; Tend to disagree)

1997: EB 47.1 (March 1997; ZA2936) and 2000: ZA3296 Eurobarometer 53

q.49 For each of the following opinions, please tell me whether you tend to agree or tend to disagree? People from these minority groups1 abuse the system of social benefits

(Tend to agree; Tend to disagree) (Q.49.3 in EB47.1; Q51.3 in EB53).

All surveys are available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Figure 3.6. Schools Suffer/Education Reduced

1994: ZA2491 Eurobarometer 41.1

Q.61 ‘I’m going to read out some statements. For each, please tell me whether you tend to agree with it or tend to disagree…Foreigners’ children in a school reduce the standard of education’ (Q61a) (Tend to agree; Tend to disagree).

(p.161) 1997: EB 47.1 (March 1997; ZA2936) and 2000: ZA3296 Eurobarometer 53

Q.49 ‘For each of the following opinions, please tell me whether you tend to agree or tend to disagree? In schools where there are too many children from these minority groups,2 the quality of education suffers’ (Q49.1 in EB47.1; Q51.1 in EB53) (Tend to agree; Tend to disagree).

All surveys are available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Figure 3.7. Immigrants Take Jobs or Create Jobs, 2002

Source: ESS 2002–03; available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Question wording: ‘Using this card, would you say that people who come to live here generally take jobs away from workers in [country], or generally help to create new jobs?’ (0 = Take jobs away; 10 = Create new jobs) (D25).

Figure 3.8. Immigrants Bad or Good for Country’s Economy, 2002

Source: ESS 2002–03; available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

‘Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]’s economy that people come to live here from other countries?’ (0 = Bad for the economy; 10 = Good for the economy) (D27).

Figure 3.9. Foreigners/Minorities Are a Cause of Insecurity

1997: EB 47.1 (March 1997; ZA2936) and 2000: ZA3296 Eurobarometer 53

Q.49 ‘For each of the following opinions, please tell me whether you tend to agree or tend to disagree? The presence of people from these minority groups is a cause of insecurity’3 (Q49.10 in EB47.1; Q51.10 in EB53) (Tend to agree; Tend to disagree).

For 2006 (EB66.3; ZA4528) and 2009 (EB71.3; ZA4973): ‘For each of the following statements, please tell me whether you tend to agree or tend to disagree…The presence of people from other ethnic groups is a cause of insecurity’ (QA25.2 in EB66.3; QH1.3 in EB71.2).

All surveys are available at http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Figure 3.10. Minorities Threaten Culture

1997: EB 47.1 (March 1997; ZA2936) and 2000: ZA3296 Eurobarometer 53: ‘For each of the following opinions, please tell me whether you tend to agree or tend to disagree? The religious practices of people from these minority groups threaten our way of life’ (Q49.7 in EB47.1 and Q51.7 in EB53).

Both surveys are available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

(p.162) Figure 3.11. Country’s Cultural Life Undermined or Enriched by Immigrants

Source: European Social Survey, 2002–03; available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

‘Would you say that [country]’s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries?’ (0 = cultural life undermined; 10 = cultural life enriched) (D28).

Figure 3.12. Concern about Immigration (ISSP) and Change in Net Migration

Concern about immigration: data Source: ZA3910: International Social Survey Programme: National Identity II-ISSP 2003, available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Do you think the number of immigrants to [COUNTRY] nowadays should be…

Increased a lot, Increased a little, Remain the same, Reduced a little, Reduced a lot, Can’t choose (Q.11). Graph shows the percentage who responded ‘a lot’.

Net migration (per 1,000 inhabitants):

Source: OECD, <http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org.ezproxy.lib.gla.ac.uk/docserver/download/8113141e.pdf?expires=1411144031&id=id&accname=oid018225&checksum=8B5A78CEE4BCECCCC2F280A72D1DEC93>, last accessed 19 September 2014. Note that lack of cross-time data for some of the countries meant that these cases were excluded for the purposes of creating this graph.

Figure 3.13. Concern about Immigration (ESS) and Change in Net Migration

Concern about immigration: this is measured in the same way it will be measured for the analysis in Chapter 5. The average of the following three items was taken to create an average level of concern about immigration for each individual. Figure 3.14 shows the average level of concern about immigration for each ESS country based on these individual-level averages. The items in the index are as follows.

Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]’s economy that people come to live here from other countries? Please use this card. Bad for the economy (0), Good for the economy (10). And, using this card, would you say that [country]’s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries? Cultural life undermined (0), Cultural life enriched (10). Is [country] made a worse or a better place to live by people coming to live here from other countries? Please use this card. Worse place (0), Better place (10). The coding of all three of these items was reversed to create the index. Inter-item correlations (Pearson’s r) ranged from 0.58 to 0.65. Note that these items were chosen because they are the ones available across all four rounds of the ESS. However, the items appear to capture the main relevant concerns related to immigration—economic and identity concerns (Sniderman et al. 2004), plus the more general worries about the impact of immigration on the country.

Net migration (per 1,000 inhabitants):

Source: OECD, <http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org.ezproxy.lib.gla.ac.uk/docserver/download/8113141e.pdf?expires=1411144031&id=id&accname=oid018225&checksum=8B5A78CEE4BCECCCC2F280A72D1DEC93>, last accessed 19 September 2014. Note that lack of cross-time data for some of the countries meant that these cases were excluded for the purposes of creating this graph.

(p.163) Chapter 4: National Identity and Trust in Politics in an Age of Migration

Data: Eurobarometer 71.3, June–July 2009 (ZA4973; available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 10 December 2014).

Table B1. Eurobarometer 71.3 Descriptive Statistics

Components of national identity emphasized by respondents are measured with the following survey items: ‘People differ in what they think it means to be [NATIONALITY]. In your view, among the following, what do you think are the most important characteristics to be [NATIONALITY] (MAXIMUM OF THREE ANSWERS)? (1) To be a Christian; (2) To share [NATIONALITY] cultural traditions; (3) To be born in [OUR COUNTRY]; (4) To have at least one [NATIONALITY] parents; (5) To feel [NATIONALITY]; (6) To master [COUNTRY LANGUAGE] (OR FOR MULTILANGUAGE COUNTRIES) (7) To master one of the official languages of [OUR COUNTRY]; (8) To exercise citizens’ rights, for example voting in [OUR COUNTRY]; (9) To have been brought up in [OUR COUNTRY]; (10) Being active in any association or organization in [OUR COUNTRY]’.

Respondents who chose items 3, 4, or 9 were assumed to emphasize ascriptive identity and respondents who chose items 5, 8, or 10 were assumed to emphasize civic identity. The more of these items a respondent chooses, the higher his/her score on the ascriptive or civic identity scales. Other items in this question were not combined and were simply coded 0 (respondent did not choose the item) or 1 (respondent did choose the item).

Figure 4.1. National Identity and Political Trust

Bars in figure represent the effects of variables as shown in Appendix Table B2. The measures of all variables in Table B2 are provided below. Control variables are held at their means for the purposes of creating this graph.

Figure 4.2. Interaction between Emphasis on Civic or Ascriptive Characteristics and MIPEX

Bars in figure represent the effects of variables as shown in Appendix Table B3. The measures of all variables in Table B3 are provided below. Control variables are held at their means for the purposes of creating this graph.

Perceptions of the political system: ‘I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain institutions. For each of the following institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it. Justice / the [NATIONALITY] legal system, Political parties, The [NATIONALITY PARLIAMENT] (USE PROPER NAME FOR LOWER HOUSE), The [NATIONALITY] government’…‘Tend to trust’, ‘Tend not to trust’. ‘Don’t know’ responses were also coded and these were placed between ‘Tend to trust’ and ‘Tend not to trust’, with ‘Tend not to trust’ coded as 0, ‘Tend to trust’ coded as 1, and ‘Don’t know’ coded as 0.5. Responses to these items are strongly correlated with one another (according to both Kendall’s tau-b and Spearman’s rho) and load onto a single factor in every country in a principal components analysis; scalability (p.164) coefficients from an Item Response Theory (IRT) model, or Mokken scale, also indicate the existence of a very strong scale. In addition, prior research on attitudes toward the components of political systems indicates a strong connection between these (Kaase 1999; Klingemann 1999; Muller 1972). I, therefore, combine these items into a single additive index, with high values representing more positive perceptions of the political system.

Attachment to the national community: ‘I would like you to think about the idea of geographical identity. Different people think of this in different ways…To what extent do you personally feel you are [NATIONALITY]’. The response choices are: To a great extent, Somewhat, Not really, or Not at all. The coding of this item was reversed so that high values represent a stronger sense of national identity.

Components of national identity emphasized by respondents are measured with the following survey items: ‘People differ in what they think it means to be [NATIONALITY]. In your view, among the following, what do you think are the most important characteristics to be [NATIONALITY] (MAXIMUM OF THREE ANSWERS)? (1) To be a Christian; (2) To share [NATIONALITY] cultural traditions; (3) To be born in [OUR COUNTRY]; (4) To have at least one [NATIONALITY] parents; (5) To feel [NATIONALITY]; (6) To master [COUNTRY LANGUAGE] (OR FOR MULTILANGUAGE COUNTRIES) (7) To master one of the official languages of [OUR COUNTRY]; (8) To exercise citizens’ rights, for example voting in [OUR COUNTRY]; (9) To have been brought up in [OUR COUNTRY]; (10) Being active in any association or organization in [OUR COUNTRY]’.

Respondents who chose items 3, 4, or 9 were assumed to emphasize ascriptive identity and respondents who chose items 5, 8, or 10 were assumed to emphasize civic identity. The more of these items a respondent chooses, the higher his/her score on the ascriptive or civic identity scales. Other items in this question were not combined and were simply coded 0 (respondent did not choose the item) or 1 (respondent did choose the item).

Official government policy regarding treatment of newcomers: measured via the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). MIPEX measures integration policies using more than 140 policy indicators to create a multidimensional picture of migrants’ opportunities to participate in European societies. In every country, a national correspondent scored each indicator based on the country’s policies as of 1 March 2007. These scores were then peer-reviewed by a second correspondent. Both are leading independent scholars or practitioners of migration law in their countries. MIPEX covers six migrant policy areas: labour market access, family reunion, long-term residence, political participation, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. For the analysis here, these indicators have been combined into a single index (average inter-item Pearson’s correlation coefficient is 0.45, Cronbach’s alpha is 0.81, and all items load onto a single factor in a principal components analysis), with high values representing more user-friendly migrant integration policies. See <http://www.mipex.eu/>, last accessed 10 December 2014, for further information.

Unfortunately, there was a very limited range of controls for other contending explanations for differences in perceptions of national political systems, but the multivariate analysis controls for as many of these as possible. These control variables are as follows.

(p.165) Economic expectations: What are your expectations for the next twelve months: will the next twelve months be better, worse, or the same, when it comes to…? The economic situation in [OUR COUNTRY]; The financial situation of your household; The employment situation in [OUR COUNTRY]; Your personal job situation. Better, Worse, Same.

Perception of current economy and economic circumstances: How would you judge the current situation in each of the following? The situation of the [NATIONALITY] economy; Your personal job situation; The financial situation of your household; The employment situation in [OUR COUNTRY]. Very good, Rather good, Rather bad, Very bad.

Perceptions of other current issues: the following item appears in the same group as the above items: The situation of the environment in [OUR COUNTRY]. Very good, Rather good, Rather bad, Very bad.

Life satisfaction: On the whole, are you very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied with the life you lead? Very satisfied, Fairly satisfied, Not very satisfied, Not all satisfied.

Expectations for life in future: What are your expectations for the next twelve months: will the next twelve months be better, worse, or the same, when it comes to…? Your life in general. Better, Worse, Same.

Level in society: On the following scale, step ‘1’ corresponds to ‘the lowest level in the society’; step ‘10’ corresponds to ‘the highest level in the society’. Could you tell me on which step you would place yourself? 1 The lowest level in the society…10 The highest level in the society.

Left-right self-placement: In political matters people talk of ‘the left’ and ‘the right’. How would you place your views on this scale (1 Left; 10 Right)?

Education: How old were you when you stopped full-time education? Those who are still studying were recoded such that their education was their current age.

Age: How old are you?

Size of town: Would you say you live in a…? Rural area or village, Small or middle-sized town, Large town. Large town is the omitted category for the analysis here.

Gender: coded by interviewer.

Chapter 5: Opposition to Immigration and State Legitimacy in Europe

Figures 5.1–5.4 are based on the results shown in Appendix Table B6 and Figures 5.5–5.7 are based on results shown in Table B7. The measures of all variables shown in these analyses are provided below. Measures for variables shown in Appendix Tables B4 and B5 (descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations, respectively) are the same as those listed below. Measures for Appendix Table B8 (predictors of satisfaction with democracy) also appear below. The data source for these analyses is ESS 2002–09; available from <www.europeansocialsurvey.org>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

Political trust: Please tell me on a score of 0–10 how much you personally trust each of the institutions I read out. 0 means you do not trust an institution at all, and 10 means you have complete trust. [Country]’s parliament? The legal system? Politicians?

(p.166) These items are analysed separately in Tables B5 and B6 but then are combined into a single index for Table B7. Note that all items load onto a single factor in a principal components analysis and have a minimum correlation of 0.52 (Pearson’s r). The items have thus been combined by taking the average of the three responses for each respondent.

Satisfaction with democracy: And on the whole, how satisfied are you with the way democracy works in [country]? Extremely dissatisfied (0), Extremely satisfied (10).

Concern about immigration: Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]’s economy that people come to live here from other countries? Please use this card. Bad for the economy (0), Good for the economy (10). And, using this card, would you say that [country]’s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries? Cultural life undermined (0), Cultural life enriched (10). Is [country] made a worse or a better place to live by people coming to live here from other countries? Please use this card. Worse place (0), Better place (10). The coding of all three of these items was reversed and the items were combined into a single index, with values ranging from 0 to 10. Inter-item correlations (Pearson’s r) ranged from 0.58 to 0.65. Note that these items were chosen because they are the ones available across all four rounds of the ESS. However, the items appear to capture the main relevant concerns related to immigration—economic and identity concerns (Sniderman et al. 2004), plus the more general worries about the impact of immigration on the country.

Unfortunately, the survey items used here refer to immigrants in general terms and not to immigrants from particular countries, and so I am unable to distinguish the potential effects of concern about immigration from specific places on perceptions of political systems. This is unfortunate because, as shown in Chapter 4 and by Ford (2011) and Sniderman et al. (2004), Europeans do distinguish between immigrants from various places. Blinder’s recent work (2013) on this for the case of Britain is, however, instructive in helping to understand what images people have in their heads when answering general questions about immigration. His findings indicate that the majority of respondents in Britain think of non-EU citizens who are asylum seekers and migrants who have come to Britain for work, and the majority of respondents also perceive ‘immigrants’ to be people who want to live in Britain permanently. Blinder also finds that a significant portion of British respondents are thinking of EU citizens and naturalized British citizens when thinking of immigrants.

Happy: Taking all things together, how happy would you say you are? Please use this card. Extremely unhappy (0), Extremely happy (10).

Satisfied with life: All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole nowadays? Please answer using this card, where 0 means extremely dissatisfied and 10 means extremely satisfied. Extremely dissatisfied (0), Extremely satisfied (10).

Social capital: frequency of meeting with friends: Using this card, how often do you meet socially with friends, relatives, or work colleagues? Never (1), Less than once a month (2), Once a month (3), Several times a month (4), Once a week (5), Several times a week (6), Every day (7).

Social capital: interpersonal trust: A8 CARD 3: Using this card, generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted, or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people? Please tell me on a score of 0 to 10, where 0 means you can’t be (p.167) too careful and 10 means that most people can be trusted. A9 CARD 4: Using this card, do you think that most people would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance, or would they try to be fair? Most people would try to take advantage of me (0), Most people would try to be fair (10). A10 CARD 5: Would you say that most of the time people try to be helpful or that they are mostly looking out for themselves? Please use this card. People mostly look out for themselves (0), People mostly try to be helpful (10). Inter-item correlation (Pearson’s r) ranged from 0.48 to 0.58; Cronbach’s alpha was 0.76 and factor analysis confirmed that the items all load onto a single factor. They have thus been combined by taking the average across these three items.

Perceptions of economic performance: unfortunately, the ESS does not contain the array of indicators necessary for distinguishing between pocketbook versus sociotropic and retrospective versus prospective economic evaluations, so we rely on the following two indicators of perceptions of economic performance. ‘On the whole how satisfied are you with the present state of the economy in [country]’? Extremely Dissatisfied (0), Extremely satisfied (10); ‘Which of the descriptions on this card comes closest to how you feel about your household’s income nowadays?’ Living comfortably on present income (1), Coping on present income (2), Finding it difficult on present income (3), Finding it very difficult on present income (4).

Perceptions of government performance: satisfied with health services and education system: Still using this card, please say what you think overall about the state of health services in [country] nowadays? Extremely bad (0), Extremely good (10). Now, using this card, please say what you think overall about the state of education in [country] nowadays? Extremely bad (0), Extremely good (10).

Winning and losing: respondents who claim to have voted for a party that was not in government at the time of the survey were given a code of 1; those who voted for parties in the government were coded 0. Note that in a handful of the counties, elections were held in the midst of the ESS fieldwork. If the government changed after these elections, then winning and losing parties subsequently changed for the purposes of coding this variable, as appropriate.

Voted for far-right (anti-immigration) party in last general election: information regarding which parties held opposition to immigration as one of their key party platforms in each country and for the various years of the ESS was compiled as discussed below (see ‘Level 2 Variable’ section) and respondents who claim to have voted for one of these parties in the most recent general election before the conduct of fieldwork were given a code of 1; everyone else was given a code of 0. If, as was the case in a few countries, an election was held in the midst of the ESS fieldwork, the relevant election used for this coding changed, as appropriate. See <http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/1566/2/McLaren_Cultural_Divide_in_Europe_Web_Appendix.pdf>, last accessed 1 December 2014, for the parties that were classified as being far right.

Other controls

Left-right self-placement: In politics people sometimes talk of ‘left’ and ‘right’. Using this card, where would you place yourself on this scale, where 0 means the left and 10 means the right?

(p.168) Household income: Using this card, please tell me which letter describes your household’s total income, after tax and compulsory deductions, from all sources. If you don’t know the exact figure, please give an estimate. Use the part of the card that you know best: weekly, monthly, or annually. Note that in the Cumulative Round 1–3 file, this variable is coded on a twelve-point scale, where in Round 4, it is on a ten-point scale. To provide better comparability, the variable has been standardized such that respondents’ scores represent the distance of their income categories from the mean value of the survey.

Age: In what year were you born? (Mean age was forty-eight; standard deviation was eighteen).

Education: What is the highest level of education you have achieved? (0 = Not completed primary education; 1 = Primary or first stage of basic; 2 = Lower secondary or second stage of basic; 3 = Upper secondary; 4 = Post-secondary, non-tertiary; 5 = First stage of tertiary; 6 = Second stage of tertiary).

Gender: coded by interviewer; 0 = Male and 1 = Female.

Level 2 variable

Strong far-right presence: this was measured by the percentage of the popular vote going to a party that has opposition to immigration as one of its main platforms in the national election preceding the fielding of the ESS questionnaire. Information about party platforms was generally obtained from multiple online election resources, as well as annual reviews of elections in the European Journal of Political Research. See <http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/1566/2/McLaren_Cultural_Divide_in_Europe_Web_Appendix.pdf>, last accessed 1 December 2014, for the parties that were classified as being far right and the percentages that voted for a far-right party in the lead-up to the fielding of each ESS questionnaire for each country.

Level 3 variables

Long-term history of immigration: Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Ireland are given a code of 0 for this analysis and all other countries are given a code of 1.

Official government policy regarding treatment of newcomers: measured via the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). MIPEX measures integration policies using more than 140 policy indicators to create a multidimensional picture of migrants’ opportunities to participate in European societies. In every country, a national correspondent scored each indicator based on the country’s policies as of 1 March 2007. These scores were then peer-reviewed by a second correspondent. Both are leading independent scholars or practitioners of migration law in their countries. MIPEX covers six migrant policy areas: labour market access, family reunion, long-term residence, political participation, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. For the analysis here, these indicators have been combined into a single index (average inter-item Pearson’s correlation coefficient is 0.45, Cronbach’s alpha is 0.81, and all items load onto a single factor in a principal components analysis), with high values representing more user-friendly migrant integration policies. See <http://www.mipex.eu/ />, last accessed 1 December 2014, for further information.

(p.169) Appendix Tables B9, B10, B11: Measurement of Variables in the Instrumental Variables Analysis

The following variables were used to construct the instrument for the analyses in Appendix Tables B9, B10, and B11.

Do you have any friends who have come to live in [country] from another country? Yes, several1, Yes, a few 2, No, none at all, 3.

Now thinking again of people who have come to live in [country] from another country who are of the same race or ethnic group as most [country] people, how much would you mind or not mind if someone like this…READ OUT…Not mind at all (0)…Mind a lot (10)…was appointed as your boss?…married a close relative of yours? Please use this card for your answer.

Please tell me how important you think each of these things should be in deciding whether someone born, brought up, and living outside [country] should be able to come and live here. Please use this card. How important should it be for them to…be able to speak [country’s official language(s)]?…come from a Christian background?…be white?…be wealthy?…be committed to the way of life in [country]? Extremely unimportant (0)…Extremely important (10).

People come to live in [country] from other countries for different reasons. Some have ancestral ties. Others come to work here, or to join their families. Others come because they’re under threat. Here are some questions about this issue.

Thinking of people coming to live in [country] nowadays from other countries, would you say that most are of the same race or ethnic group as the majority of [country] people (1), most are of a different race or ethnic group (2), or is it about half and half (3)? Category 3 was recoded to 1.5.

Now thinking about people coming to live in [country] nowadays from other countries within Europe, would you say that most come from the richer countries of Europe (1), most come from the poorer countries of Europe (2), or is it about half and half (3)? Category 3 was recoded to 1.5.

Figure 5.8. Effect of Concern about Immigration on Satisfaction with Democracy, 1984–97

Sources: Eurobarometer 21, March–April 1984, EB30 (October–November 1988), EB41.1 (June–July 1994), Data: EB 47.1 (March 1997), all available at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, last accessed 3 October 2014.

This figure shows the OLS coefficients for concern about immigration from regression results provided in Appendix Tables B12–B15. The measures of the variables found in these tables are provided here.

Dependent variable: satisfaction with democracy.

EB21 (Q.137), EB41.1 (Q.10), EB47.1 (Q.41): ‘On the whole, are you very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied, or not at all satisfied with the way democracy works in [YOUR COUNTRY]? 1 Very satisfied, 2 Fairly satisfied, 3 Not very satisfied, 4 Not at all satisfied. Recoded as follows: (1 = 10) (2 = 7.5) (dk = 5) (3 = 2.5) (4 = 0).

EB30: (Q.137): ‘On the whole, are you satisfied, fairly satisfied with the way democracy works in [YOUR COUNTRY]? 1 = Completely dissatisfied; 10 = Completely (p.170) satisfied. Recoded as follows: (1 = 0) (2 = 1) (3 = 2) (4 = 3) (5 = 4) (6 = 6) (7 = 7) (8 = 8) (9 = 9) (10 = 10) (0 = 5).

Concern about immigration: 1984, EB21 (Q.254): ‘I will now ask your opinion on a number of items. Will you please, for each item, select on this list the answer which best describes your own opinion. We have too many immigrant workers’ (Disagree completely, Disagree to some extent, Agree if anything, Broadly agree, Completely agree); recoded such that Disagree completely = 0, Disagree to some extent = 2.5, Agree if anything = 6, Broadly agree = 7.5, and Completely agree = 10.

1988, EB30 (Q169): ‘How do you feel about the number of people of another nationality living in our country: are there too many, a lot but not too many, or not many’? Recoded such that not many = 0, a lot but not many = 5, don’t know = 5, too many = 10.

1994, EB 41.1 (Q.57): ‘Generally speaking, how do you feel about foreigners living in [OUR COUNTRY]: are there too many, a lot but not too many, or not many?’ Recoded such that not many = 0, a lot but not many = 5, don’t know = 5, too many = 10.

1997, 47.1 (Q.50): ‘Speaking generally about people from minority groups in terms of race, religion, and culture, do you think there are not many, a lot but not too many, or too many of them living in [OUR COUNTRY]’; recoded such that not many = 0, a lot but not many = 5, don’t know = 5, too many = 10.

Loser effect: unfortunately, not all of the EBs used here included a question about how respondents voted in the last general election. They do all include a question about how respondents would vote if there was a general election tomorrow. I thus use this item to measure the electoral loser effect. This measure is also likely to be a good way to capture dissatisfaction with the government of the day. Respondents who claim they would vote for a party that is not in government at the time of the survey were given a code of 1; those who would vote for parties in the government were coded 0. The list of parties in government is available from the author upon request.

Voting for far-right party in general election: respondents who claim that they would vote for a far-right party, as identified above, in the next general election were given a code of 1; everyone else was given a code of 0.

Left-right scale: In political matters, people talk of the ‘left’ and the ‘right’. How would you place your views on this scale (show card; 1 = Left, 10 = Right).

Household income: the variable that has been standardized into quartiles has been used for the analysis; 1 = lowest quartile, 4 = highest quartile.

Age: Can you tell me your date of birth please?

Education: How old were you when you finished your full-time education?

Female: Gender is identified by the interviewer.

Chapter 6: Public Hostility to Immigration and Trust in the British Political System

Figure 6.1. Index of Immigration Feeling and Is Immigration a Local Problem?

Source: Political Change in Britain and British Election Study Data, 1964–1979. The 1964, 1966, and 1970 Questionnaires for Political Change in Britain, 1963–70 were downloaded from <http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/7233? (p.171) q=political+change+in+britain&permit%5B0%5D=AVAILABLE>, last accessed 20 December 2012 (appears in DS3: Codebook for Volume II).

Instructions state: ‘Ask if respondent is not coloured’.

D33a. Do you think that too many immigrants have been let into this country or not?

D33b. How strongly do you feel about this—very strongly, fairly strongly, or not very strongly.

D33c. Is it a problem around this neighbourhood? (Yes, No)

D33d. Which party is more likely to keep immigrants out, the Conservatives (26 per cent) or Labour (19 per cent) or don’t you feel there is much difference between them on this (41 per cent)? DK (14 per cent).

1979 British Election Study Questionnaire downloaded from:

<http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/8196?permit%5B0%5D=AVAILABLE&q=british+election+study+1979>, last accessed 20 December 2012.

Question wording as above (Q29A, Q29B), except that no instructions regarding ‘Ask if respondent is not coloured’ appear in the questionnaire; ethnic minorities have been omitted from the figures shown.

Figures 6.2a and 6.2b. Perceptions of Immigrants, 2001 and 2005

Sources: British Election Study 2001 (post-election follow-up) and British Election Study 2005

Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with each of the following statements:

Immigrants increase crime rates

Immigrants generally are good for Britain’s economy

Immigrants take jobs away from people who were born in Britain

Immigrants make Britain more open to new ideas and cultures

Most asylum seekers who come to Britain should be sent home immediately

Response options are: Strongly agree, Agree, Neither agree nor disagree, Disagree, Strongly disagree.

Note that all BES 2001 question wording is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/questionnaire.html>, last accessed 10 December 2014, and all BES 2005 post-election question wording is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/2005/Documents/BES05%20Postwave%20CAPI%20questionnaire.pdf>, last accessed 10 December 2014. The pre-election questionnaire is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/2005/Documents/PreCAPIMay31.pdf>, last accessed 10 December 2014.

Figure 6.3. Immigration and Political Trust, Interactive Effects

 

Figure 6.4. Marginal Effect of Concern about Immigration on Political Trust

Figures 6.4 and 6.5 are based on the full models shown in Appendix Table B18. The measures of the variables found in the table and in the simple model shown in Appendix Table B17 are provided here. Note that all BES 2005 post-election question wording is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/2005/Documents/BES05%20Postwave%20CAPI%20questionnaire.pdf>, last accessed 5 April 2013. The (p.172) pre-election questionnaire is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/2005/Documents/PreCAPIMay31.pdf>, last accessed 5 April 2013.

Dependent variable and control variable: political trust and satisfaction with democracy t and t-1 (pre- and post-election questionnaire).

Now, thinking about British political institutions like Parliament, please use the 0 to 10 scale to indicate how much trust you have for each of the following, where 0 means no trust and 10 means a great deal of trust.

And, how much do you trust the Parliament at Westminster? [bq20b]

And how much do you trust British politicians generally? [bq20c]

And how much do you trust the police? [bq20d]

On the whole, are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the way that democracy works in this country? (Please take your answers from this card)’; 1 = Very satisfied, 2 = Fairly satisfied, 3 = A little dissatisfied, 4 = Very dissatisfied [bq65]. The coding of this item was reversed such that high values represent greater satisfaction with democracy.

Concern about the impact of immigration on the national community t-1 (pre-election questionnaire): Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with each of the following statements:

Immigrants make Britain more open to new ideas and cultures (please take your answers from this card) 1 Strongly agree; 2 Agree; 3 Neither agree nor disagree; 4 Disagree; 5 Strongly disagree [aq45b].

Immigrants take jobs away from people who were born in Britain (please take your answers from this card) 1 Strongly agree; 2 Agree; 3 Neither agree nor disagree; 4 Disagree; 5 Strongly disagree [aq45g].

The coding of the second item was reversed, and so the high value of 5 represents the strongest concern about the impact of immigration for both items.

Perception of government handling of immigration t-1 (pre-election questionnaire): How well do you think the present government has handled each of the following issues? The number of asylum seekers coming to Britain. 1 Very well; 2 Fairly well; 3 Neither well nor badly; 4 Fairly badly; 5 Very badly [aq4c].

It must be noted that perceptions of government handling of the immigration issue is measured here with an indicator of perceptions of government handling of asylum seekers. This item has been chosen because it is the only available indicator of perceptions of government handling of an immigration-related issue in the BES data set. Although there are clear legal distinctions to be made between ‘immigrants’ and ‘asylum seekers’, in the case of Britain—as pointed out by Joppke (1997: 264)—there appears to be ‘a zealous and instant equation of asylum seeking with immigration’, with British asylum policy being structurally conflated with immigration control. Moreover, analyses of survey data indicate that the vast majority of citizens of the UK prefer that economic immigrants and asylum seekers be treated identically. For instance, in a Eurobarometer poll from Spring 2000 (EB 53), over 70 per cent of British respondents would suggest identical treatment for people coming from Muslim countries and Eastern Europe seeking work as they would for asylum seekers.4 This is true (p.173) even when the question about asylum is posed in terms of individuals fleeing from serious internal conflict (e.g., civil war).

Economic evaluations t (post-election questionnaire): Now a few questions about economic conditions.

[Sociotropic retrospective evaluations] How do you think the general economic situation in this country has changed over the last twelve months? (Please take your answers from this card.) 1 Got a lot worse; 2 Got a little worse; 3 Stayed the same; 4 Got a little better; 5 Got a lot better [bq24].

[Sociotropic prospective evaluations] How do you think the general economic situation in this country will develop over the next twelve months? (Please take your answers from this card.) 1 Get a lot worse; 2 Get a little worse; 3 Stay the same; 4 Get a little better; 5 Get a lot better [bq26].

[Pocketbook retrospective evaluations] How does the financial situation of your household now compare with what it was twelve months ago? (Please take your answers from this card.) 1 Got a lot worse; 2 Got a little worse; 3 Stayed the same; 4 Got a little better; 5 Got a lot better [bq23].

[Pocketbook prospective evaluations] How do you think the financial situation of your household will change over the next twelve months? (Please take your answers from this card.) 1 Get a lot worse; 2 Get a little worse; 3 Stay the same; 4 Get a little better; 5 Get a lot better [bq25].

Perceived political performance t (government performance on various policy dimensions) (post-election questionnaire): How well do you think the present government has handled each of the following issues?

Crime in Britain [bq3a]

The National Health Service [bq3c]

The risk of terrorism in Britain [bq3d]

The economy in general [bq3e]

The level of taxation [bq3f].

Each of these questions is asked in turn, with respondents given the following response options: 1 Very well; 2 Fairly well; 3 Neither well nor badly; 4 Fairly badly; 5 Very badly. Cronbach’s alpha for these items is 0.71, and they all load onto a single factor, which explains 47.2 per cent of the variance in the items (eigenvalue = 2.34). The items were thus combined into a single index by taking the average of the items, with the index ranging from 1–5.

Social capital: interpersonal trust t (post-election questionnaire): On balance, would you say that most people can’t be trusted or that most people can be trusted? Please use the 0 to 10 scale to indicate your view. (Please take your answers from this card.) 0 Most people can’t be trusted…10 Most people can be trusted [bq56].

Do you think that most people you come into contact with would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance or would they try to be fair? Please use the 0 to 10 scale again, where 0 means would try to take advantage and 10 means would try to be fair.

(Please take your answers from this card.) 0 Try to take advantage…10 Try to be fair [bq57].

(p.174) The correlation (Pearson’s r) between these two items was 0.61 and Cronbach’s alpha was 0.75. Thus, these two items were averaged to create a 0 to 10 scale, with 10 representing the highest level of interpersonal trust.

Social capital: participation in voluntary activities t (post-election questionnaire): Again, over the past few years, how active have you been in a voluntary organization, like a local community association, a charity, or a sports club? 1 Very active; 2 Somewhat active; 3 A little active; 4 Not at all active/Not involved [bq52].

Note that the coding of this item has been reversed.

Electoral winning and losing t (post-election questionnaire): dummy variables were created for those who claimed to have voted for any party other than Labour, for the British National Party, and for those who did not vote. Thus, the comparison category is those who were the ‘winners’ (i.e., voted for the Labour Party).

Education t (post-election questionnaire): Do you have any educational or work-related qualifications? 1 Yes; 2 No [bq82a].

IF ‘yes’ at [bq82a] Taking your answers from this card, which is the highest qualification you have? Please just give me the number next to it. 1 Postgraduate degree; 2 First degree; 3 University/polytechnic diploma; 4 Teaching qualification; 5 Nursing qualification; 6 HNC/HND, City and Guilds level 4, NVQ/SVQ 4/5; 7 A-level and equivalent; 8 Scottish Higher and equivalent; 9 ONC/OND, City and Guilds level 3, NVQ/SVQ 3; 10 GCSE A*–C, CSE grade 1, O-level grade A–C; 11 Scottish Standard grades, Ordinary bands; 12 GCSE D–G, CSE grades 2–5, O-level D–E; 13 City and Guilds level 2, NVQ/SVQ 2 and equivalent; 14 City and Guilds level 1, NVQ/SVQ 1 and equivalent; 15 Clerical and commercial qualifications; 16 Recognized trade apprenticeship; 17 Youth training certificate, skill seekers; 18 Other technical, professional, or higher qualification (WRITE IN).

This pair of questions was used to create dummy variables for those with no qualifications and those with a university degree. The omitted category is those with some qualifications or education but not a university degree.

Age t (post-election questionnaire): Now, a few questions about yourself and your background. What was your age last birthday? [bq77].

Gender t (post-election questionnaire):

Weekly income from all sources before tax

Annual income from all sources before tax

Less than £96

Q

Less than £5,000

£97 – £192

T

£5,001 – £10,000

£193 – £288

O

£10,001 – £15,000

£289 – £384

K

£15,001 – £20,000

£385 – £480

L

£20,001 – £25,000

£481 – £577

B

£25,001 – £30,000

£578 – £673

Z

£30,001 – £35,000

£674 – £769

M

£35,001 – £40,000

£770 – £865

F

£40,001 – £45,000

£866 – £961

J

£45,001 – £50,000

£962 – £1,153

D

£50,001 – £60,000

£1,154 – £1,346

H

£60,001 – £70,000

£1,347 or more

P

£70,001 or more

(p.175) INTERVIEWER TO OBSERVE AND RECORD GENDER OF RESPONDENT

1 Male; 2 Female [bq76].

This variable is recoded such that female = 1 and male = 0.

Income t (post-election questionnaire): Which of the letters on this card represents the total income of your household from all sources before tax—including benefits, savings, and so on? Please just tell me the letter. (CARD J4 19) 1 Q; 2 T; 3 O; 4 K; 5 L; 6 B; 7 Z; 8 M; 9 F; 10 J; 11 D; 12 H; 13 P [bq84].

The showcard looks as follows:

(BES post-election questionnaire from <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/2005/Documents/BES05%20Postwave%20CAPI%20questionnaire.pdf>, accessed 10 December 2014, p. 88.)

Left-right self-placement t (post-election questionnaire): In politics, people sometimes talk about parties and politicians as being on the left or right. Using the 0 to 10 scale on this card, where the end marked 0 means left and the end marked 10 means right, where would you place yourself on this scale? (Please take your answers from this card.) 0 Left; 1 one; 2 two; 3 three; 4 four; 5 five; 6 six; 7 seven; 8 eight; 9 nine; 10 Right [bq39a].

Approval of Britain’s involvement in Iraq t (post-election questionnaire): Please tell me whether you strongly approve, approve, disapprove, or strongly disapprove of Britain’s involvement in Iraq. 1 Strongly approve; 2 Approve; 3 Disapprove; 4 Strongly disapprove [bq42] (coding reversed).

Table B19. Political Trust and Attitudes to Immigration, BES 2001 Results (Full Models)

The results from this table are briefly discussed in Chapter 6 and so the measures of the variables used in the table are provided here. Note that all BES 2001 question wording is available at <http://www.essex.ac.uk/bes/questionnaire.html>, last accessed 10 December 2014.

Respect politicians and political institutions t and t-2 (post-election mailback and pre-election questionnaire): Now, thinking about institutions like Parliament, please use the 0–10 scale to indicate how much respect you have for each of the following, where 0 means no respect and 10 means a great deal of respect. The Parliament at Westminster [cq20a]; the police [cq20c]; politicians [cq20f].

Note that the 2001 BES included other institutions with this survey item, such as civil service, local government, and courts, but the 2005 BES pre-election survey only included items on parliament, the police, and politicians, and so the analysis has been limited to these items.

Concern about the impact of immigration on the national community t-1 (post-election mailback questionnaire): question wording is identical to 2005 BES items. Note that the 2001 BES post-election mailback questionnaire also included indicators of attitudes to the impact of immigrants on crime and the economy, as well as an indicator for whether asylum seekers should be sent home. These items were excluded from the analysis to maintain comparability with the 2005 BES analyses, in which these extra items were unavailable.

Perception of government handling of immigration t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): question wording is identical to 2005 BES item.

(p.176) Economic Evaluations t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): question wording is identical to 2005 BES item.

Perceived political performance t-1 (government performance on various policy dimensions) (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): How well do you think the present government has handled each of the following issues (very well, fairly well, neither well nor badly, fairly badly, very badly)?

Crime in Britain [bq6b]

The National Health Service [bq6g]

Foot and mouth disease [bq6m]

The economy in general [bq6c]

Taxes [bq6i].

Social capital: interpersonal trust t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted, or that you can’t be too careful dealing with people? Please use the 0–10 scale to indicate your view, where 0 means can’t be too careful and 10 means most people can be trusted [bq48].

Do you think that most people you come into contact with would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance or would they try to be fair? Please use the 0–10 scale again where 0 means would try to take advantage and 10 means would try to be fair [bq49].

The average of these two items was taken as the measure of interpersonal trust, with 10 representing the highest level of interpersonal trust.

The correlation (Pearson’s r) between these two items was 0.45 and Cronbach’s alpha was 0.61.

Social capital: participation in voluntary activities t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): question wording is identical to 2005 BES item.

Electoral winning and losing t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): dummy variables were created for those who claimed to have voted for each of the following parties in the 2001 general election: Conservative Party, Liberal Democrat Party, Green Party, Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, or any other party; a dummy variable was also created for those who did not vote. Thus, the comparison category is those who were the ‘winners’ (i.e., voted for the Labour Party).

Education (pre-election and post-election face-to-face questionnaires): constructed in the same way as with the 2005 BES items.

Age t-1 (post-election face-to-face questionnaire): question wording is identical to 2005 BES item.

Gender t-1 (post-election questionnaire):

INTERVIEWER TO OBSERVE AND RECORD GENDER OF RESPONDENT

1 Male; 2 Female [bq104]. This variable is recoded such that female = 1 and male = 0.

Income (pre-election and post-election face-to-face questionnaires): constructed in the same way as with the 2005 BES.

Ethnic minority status (pre-election and post-election face-to-face questionnaires): constructed in the same way as with the 2005 BES.

Left-right self-placement (post-election questionnaire): In politics, people sometimes talk of left and right. Using the scale from 0 to 10, where would you place…yourself [SHOW CARD] 0 Left; 10 Right [bq38f].

(p.177) Table B20. Perceptions of the Political System and Attitudes to Immigration, ESS Round 5 Results

Note that all ESS question wording is available at <http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/>, accessed 1 December 2014.

Trust in politicians and political institutions: Please tell me on a score of 0–10 how much you personally trust each of the institutions I read out. 0 means you do not trust an institution at all, and 10 means you have complete trust. Firstly…READ OUT [country]’s parliament? the politicians? the police? Cronbach’s alpha for this set of items is 0.76, and they all load onto a single factor, which explains 68.1 per cent of the variance in the items (eigenvalue = 2.04). They were thus combined by taking the average of the items, with the index ranging from 0–10.

Concern about the impact of immigration on the national community: And would you say that [country]’s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries? Cultural life undermined (0), Cultural life enriched (10).

Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]’s economy that people come to live here from other countries? Please use this card. Bad for the economy (0), Good for the economy (10).

The coding of each of these items was reversed.

Economic evaluations: [Sociotropic evaluations]: On the whole how satisfied are you with the present state of the economy in [country]? Still use this card. Extremely Dissatisfied (0), Extremely satisfied (10).

[Pocketbook evaluations]: Which of the descriptions on this card comes closest to how you feel about your household’s income nowadays? Living comfortably on present income (1), Coping on present income (2), Finding it difficult on present income (3), Finding it very difficult on present income (4).

Social capital: interpersonal trust: Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted, or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people? Please tell me on a score of 0 to 10, where 0 means you can’t be too careful and 10 means that most people can be trusted.

Do you think that most people would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance, or would they try to be fair? Most people would try to take advantage of me (0), Most people would try to be fair (10).

Cronbach’s alpha for these items is 0.69 and the Pearson’s r between them is 0.52. The items were thus combined by taking the average of the items, with the index ranging from 0 to 10.

Social capital: participation in voluntary activities: for each of the voluntary organizations I will now mention, please use this card to tell me whether any of these things apply to you now or in the last twelve months and, if so, which. Respondents who claimed to participate in any of the organizations listed (or in one not listed) were given a code of 1; those who do not participate in any activities were given a code of 0.

Electoral winning and losing: dummy variables were created for respondents who claim to have voted for a party other than Labour or who did not vote; the comparison category is the ‘winners’, or Labour voters. Note that the survey did not include a separate category for the British National Party and so no dummy variable was created for this category.

(p.178) Other Controls

Education: What is the highest level of education you have achieved? Please use this card. No qualifications (01), CSE grade 2–5/GCSE grades D–G or equivalent (02), CSE grade 1/O-level/GCSE grades A–C or equivalent (03), A-level, AS-level or equivalent (04), Degree/postgraduate qualification or equivalent (05), Other (WRITE IN) (06).

Age: In what year were you born?

Gender: coded by interviewer.

Income: Using this card, if you add up the income from all sources, which letter describes your household’s total net income? If you don’t know the exact figure, please give an estimate. Use the part of the card that you know best: weekly, monthly, or annual income.

Left-right self-placement: In politics people sometimes talk of ‘left’ and ‘right’. Using this card, where would you place yourself on this scale, where 0 means the left and 10 means the right?

Figure 6.5. Effects of Concern about Immigration on Perceptions of Political System

This figure is based on analyses shown in Appendix Table B21. The measures of the variables used in this table are provided here.

1963 Political Change in Britain: questionnaire downloaded from <http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/7233?q=political+change+in+britain&permit%5B0% 5D=AVAILABLE>, last accessed 10 December 2014 (appears in DS3: Codebook for Volume II).

Perceptions of the political system:

Q60a: ‘How much do you feel that having political parties makes the government pay attention to what people think? Good deal, Some, Not much, DK’.

Q61a: ‘And how much do you think that having elections makes the government pay attention to what the people think? Good deal, Some, Not much, DK’.

Q62a: ‘How much do you think most MPs pay to the people who elect them when they decide what to do in Parliament? Good deal, Some, Not much, DK’.

These items were strongly correlated with one another and formed a single factor in a principal components analysis; they were therefore combined, with high values representing more positive perceptions of the British political system. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

Concern about immigration: ‘Do you think that too many immigrants have been let into the country or not?’ (Q25) (Yes, too many have been let in; No, not too many have been let in); variable has been recoded such that high values represent greater concern about immigration. The variable was standardized to range 0–10.

1964 Political Change in Britain: questionnaire downloaded from <http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/7233?q=political+change+in+britain&permit%5B0% 5D=AVAILABLE>, last accessed 20 December 2012 (appears in DS3: Codebook for Volume II).

Perceptions of the political system:

Q35a: ‘Over the years, how much do you think that having elections makes the government pay attention to what the people think? Good deal, Some, Not much, DK’.

(p.179) Q36a: ‘In between elections, how much does having political parties make the government pay attention to what people think? Good deal, Some, Not much, DK’.

These items were strongly correlated with one another and formed a single factor in a principal components analysis; they were therefore combined, with high values representing more positive perceptions of the British political system. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

Concern about immigration: Too many immigrants have been let into this country: high values represent greater concern about immigration and include strength of opinion (Not too many have been let in, Too many have been let in, but not sure how strongly feel about this; Too many have been let in and feel fairly strongly about this, Too many have been let in and feel strongly about this). The variable was standardized to range 0–10.

BES, October 1974: questionnaires were downloaded from the UK Data Archive, <http://www.esds.ac.uk>, last accessed 15 May 2013.

Perceptions of the political system:

Q67: ‘Now we would like to know a little about how you feel about some things which are part of everybody’s lives: SHOW CARD 67. You see the card gives you some words to choose from which might describe your feelings about different things. Can you tell me the one which best describes how you feel about: Politicians in Britain today?…The political parties?…What your local government is doing?…What the Government is doing for people like you?’ Response options: ‘Very happy, Happy, Satisfied, Mixed feelings, Not satisfied, Unhappy, Very unhappy’. These items were strongly correlated with one another and formed a single factor in a principal components analysis; they were therefore combined, with high values representing more positive perceptions of the British political system. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

Concern about immigration:

Q26E: ‘Now we would like your views on some of the general changes that have been taking place in Britain over the last few years. SHOW CARD 26. For each of these changes you can say whether you feel it has gone much too far, gone a little too far, is about right, not gone quite far enough, not gone nearly far enough…And how do you feel about recent attempts to ensure equality for coloured people in Britain?’

Q27C: ‘I am going to read out a list of things that some people believe a government should do. SHOW CARD 27. For each one you can say whether you feel it is very important that it should be done, fairly important that it should be done, it doesn’t matter either way, fairly important that it should not be done, very important that it should not be done…Sending coloured immigrants back to their own country?’

Coding has been reversed so that high values represent stronger concern about immigration; the average of two items was used in the regression analyses in Table B21. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

BES 1997: questionnaires were downloaded from the UK Data Archive, at <http://www.esds.ac.uk>, accessed 15 May 2013, and are currently available from the UK Data Service at <http://ukdataservice.ac.uk/>.

(p.180) Perceptions of the political system:

Q568 [GovTrust] How much do you trust British governments of any party to place the needs of the nation above the interests of their own political party?

Q569 [MPsTrust] And how much do you trust politicians of any party in Britain to tell the truth when they are in a tight corner?

  1. 1 Just about always

  2. 2 Most of the time

  3. 3 Only some of the time

  4. 4 Almost never.

Self-completion:

Q216: Some people say that political parties in Britain care what ordinary people think.

Others say that political parties in Britain don’t care what ordinary people think.

Using this scale, where would you place yourself?

Political parties in Britain care what ordinary people think (1)

Political parties in Britain don’t care what ordinary people think (5).

Please tick one box for each statement below to show how much you agree or disagree with it. Strongly agree, Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree, Disagree, Disagree strongly.

All variables were (re-)coded such that high values represent more positive perceptions of government. These items were strongly correlated with one another and formed a single factor in a principal components analysis; they were therefore combined, with high values representing more positive perceptions of the British political system. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

Concern about immigration:

Q558 [ImmBkAsn] Has immigration by black people and Asians been very good for Britain, fairly good, neither good nor bad, fairly bad, or very bad for Britain?

Q561 [RacOp2Fr] Now I want to ask you about some changes that have been happening in Britain over the years. For each one I read out, please use this card to say whether you think it has gone too far or not gone far enough…Attempts to give equal opportunities to black people and Asians in Britain?

Both items are measured on a five-point scale; coding has been reversed where necessary so that high values represent stronger concern about immigration, and the average across the two items was taken as the measure of concern about immigration. The scale was standardized to range 0–10.

Control variables in Appendix Table B21 include the electoral loser effect (reporting having voted for any party other than the Conservative Party for the 1963 survey and reporting having voted for any party other than the Labour Party for the remaining surveys), placement on a left-right scale, household income as reported by the respondent, the respondent’s age, the age at which she finished her education, and gender.

Figure 6.6. Effect of Civic and Ascriptive Identity on Perceptions of Political System

This figure is based on analyses shown in Appendix Table B22. The measures of the variables used in this table are the same as for Chapter 4.

Notes:

(1) Refers to a prior question which reads ‘Have you, or have you had, a parent or grandparent of a different nationality from your own, or not?…And parents or grandparents of a different race?…And parents or grandparents of a different religion?…And parents or grandparents of a different culture?’ Note that those who claim to have parents or grandparents of a different nationality or race were excluded in order to create Figure 3.5.

(2) See note 1.

(3) See note 1.

(4) Poll available for online analysis at <http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp>, accessed 10 December 2014.