(p.237) Appendix 1 Family, Friends, and Acquaintances in India and Britain
(p.237) Appendix 1 Family, Friends, and Acquaintances in India and Britain
Note: for ease of identification, Muslim individuals are listed, as they are in Atiya’s Zamana-i-tahsil, by their first names excluding their titles (for example, Ali Azhar Fyzee is under ‘A’, as is Syed Ali Bilgrami), while Europeans and other Indians are listed by their surnames (for example, Mrs Sarala Bala Mitter is under ‘M’).
ABDUL QADIR, SHAIKH (later Sir) (1874–1951), was known at the time that Atiya was writing as a ‘journalist of considerable repute’.1 This reputation was on account of having edited the journal Makhzan (Lahore) to which Muhammad Iqbal (see below), Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and other renowned literary figures had contributed Urdu poetry. During Atiya’s visit, he was actually in London to study law at Lincoln’s Inn. An article in the NIA’s journal upon his departure in spring 1907 suggests that he had made a substantial impact during his stay, adding lively contributions to discussions, writing for local magazines, and generally offering a ‘helping hand’—to the point that his return to India was said to ‘leave a very evident blank here’.2 Subsequently, he went on to have a very distinguished career, first practising law in Lyallpur as public prosecutor before being elected president of the Punjab Legislative Council, acting as minister for education and later revenue minister of the Punjab Government, attending the assembly of the League of Nations as India’s delegate in 1926, joining the high court in Lahore as additional judge in 1930, travelling to South Africa as the Government of India’s agent in 1932 and, finally, being appointed a member of the Secretary of State for India’s Council in 1934.3 His recitation of Hafiz’s poem, noted by Atiya in her entry for 4 March 1907, also warranted a mention in the NIA’s report of the occasion.4 He is mentioned only once more in passing in Atiya’s travelogue, but does appear as a companion of Iqbal on their journey to Cambridge in her later account of this time (see Appendix 2).
ABDULLAH YUSUF ALI (1872–1953) is perhaps best remembered for his English translation and commentary of the Muslim holy book, The Holy Quran (first published in 1934). But he was also an ICS officer in the United Provinces (p.238) (1896–1914) known for his loyalty to the British crown, his failed marriage to an English woman, and, as Atiya intimates in her entry for 3 November 1906, his impressive command of the English language5—for which he has been described as a ‘pukka sahib par excellance’.6 Throughout the first half of Atiya’s visit, he was on furlough in Britain (she reports his departure in her entry for 26 January 1907). During that time, he attended to family matters, gave lectures on Islamic history,7 contributed articles to the NIA magazine,8 and, in coincidence with Atiya’s own interests, spoke out in favour of women’s education in India at public meetings.9
ALI ASGHAR FYZEE (1863–1937) was Atiya’s second brother. He married one of Badruddin Tyabji’s daughters, Halima, with whom he bore a son, Asaf A.A. Fyzee (see below).
ALI AZHAR FYZEE (1879–1962), Atiya’s third brother, was, as she specifies in her entry for 1 September 1906, a medical doctor. He married a European woman, Doris Meyer,10 and remained in Britain where, over three decades, he became a tennis champion, even playing at Wimbledon and in the Davis Cup.11 Atiya’s designation of ‘Beg’ perhaps reflects the family’s Turkish connections.
ALI BILGRAMI, SYED (1853–1911), began his career as a civil servant in Hyderabad, but, after rising to Minister of Public Works and Mines, dedicated himself primarily to scholarly pursuits—being granted the title of Shams-ul-Ulama for Persian learning and receiving an LLB from Calcutta University in 1891. He first came to England in 1876 in accompaniment of Hyderabad’s prime minister, Salar Jung, but did not return until 1901 when he was chosen to catalogue Arabic and Persian manuscripts at the India Office Library in London. From 1902, he was based in Cambridge—where Atiya visited him in April 1907— first accepting a lectureship in Marathi, then later acting as professor of Arabic and Sanskrit and serving on the Board of Oriental Studies. Shortly after Atiya met him in 1907, he returned to India where he stayed until his death, working on the draft constitution for the proposed Muslim university at Aligarh.12 The title that Atiya gives him in her entry for 22 April 1907, Janab, reflects his respected status.
ALI BILGRAMI, MRS SYED, was the wife of Syed Ali Bilgrami (see above). Unfortunately, little else is known about her.
ALMA LATIFI was the elder son of Camruddin Abdul Latif and his wife, Vazirunnisa. At the time of Atiya’s visit, he was a member of the Punjab Civil Service. Subsequently, he married Badruddin Tyabji’s fifth daughter, Naseema, in a ‘wedding of a character said to be unprecedented in this country’ in London in 1908.13
AMEER ALI, SYED (1849–1928), was a former Calcutta high court judge (1890– 1904) and politician, perhaps best known as founder of the loyalist Central (p.239) National Mahommedan Association in 1877. He had retired to Britain with his English wife, Isabelle, in 1904, but remained active in Muslim and Indian affairs. Specifically, he founded the London branch of the All-India Muslim League in 1908, served as chairman of the Woking Mosque Committee, was appointed the first Indian member of the Viceroy’s privy council in 1909 and, with others, established the British Red Crescent in 1911. He was also well known for his publications on legal and reformist topics, including A Critical Examination of the Life and Teaching of Mohammed (1873), Personal Law of the Mahommedans (1880), Mahommedan Law (2 vols, 1880 and 1884 and later editions), The Spirit of Islam (1891 and reprints), and A Short History of the Saracens (1899).14 For all these reasons, he would, as Atiya specifies, have been ‘much awaited’ at the meeting at Caxton Hall on 17 November 1906. He finally appears in Atiya’s account in her second entry for 10 December 1906.
AMPTHILL, (ARTHUR)OLIVER VILLIERS RUSSELL, THE SECOND BARON (1869–1935), had been appointed governor of Madras in 1900, but he was forced to resign after disagreements with Curzon, then viceroy, over racist imperial policy. Still, he provided cover for Curzon while the latter was on furlough in 1904 before himself returning to England in 1906 around the time of Atiya’s own arrival. Though Ampthill’s focus at this time was on the plight of Indians in South Africa, his interest in Atiya’s case may be assumed on the basis that he also chaired the advisory committee on Indian students in Britain.15
ANSARI, MUKHTAR AHMAD (1880–1936), is best known for his involvement in India’s premier nationalist organization, the Indian National Congress, of which he was general secretary in 1920, 1922, 1926, 1929, 1931, and 1932 and president in 1927. Yet he also led the medical mission to Turkey in 1912, presided over the All-India Muslim League in 1918 and 1920, and played a key role in the Khilafat movement of the early 1920s. He had first come to England in the early years of the twentieth century on a Nizam State Scholarship to pursue further medical studies, which he completed in 1905 when he qualified as MD and MS. Having topped the list of successful candidates, he was appointed registrar at Lock Hospital in London—a position that he must have held around the time that Atiya was writing—before later being taken on as house surgeon at the Charing Cross Hospital. Only in 1910 did he return to India to pursue his political career.16
ARNOLD, CECILIA MARY, was the wife of Thomas Arnold (see below). She was also the niece of Arnold’s former principal at the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, Theodore Beck, and the daughter of ‘wholesale boot and shoe maker’, George Hickson.17
ARNOLD, THOMAS WALKER (later Sir) (1864–1930), had taught philosophy at the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh from 1888 to 1898. During that time, he had become devoted to the vision of the school’s founder, Sir Sayyid (p.240) Ahmad Khan (see Part II, note 94), of synthesizing a reformed Islam with western scientific method, writing a widely circulated and sympathetic study of Islam, The Preaching of Islam (1896 and later editions). He had then moved on to become professor of philosophy at the Government College, Lahore, between 1898 and 1904, teaching, among others, Muhammad Iqbal—which accounts for their close relationship as documented in Atiya’s later account of this period (see Appendix 2). By the time of Atiya’s visit, Arnold had returned to London to take up a post as assistant librarian in the India Office, as well as a part-time lectureship in Arabic at University College. Atiya only mentions him twice in her published travelogue (17 November 1906 and in her second entry for 10 December 1906), but she was obviously well-acquainted with him and his family. As she reports in her later account of this period, she was invited by him to Cambridge for a picnic on 1 June and to his house in Wimbledon on at least two occasions (9 and 16 June 1907). Subsequently, Arnold was appointed as the first educational advisor to Indian students in Britain (1909–11) and the first chair of Arabic and Islamic studies at the newly founded School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London (1920), a post that enabled him to write extensively on Arab history and Islamic art.18
ASAF A.A. FYZEE (1899–1981) was, as Atiya notes in her entry for 12 January 1907, her nephew—in other words, the son of her second brother, Ali Asghar Fyzee (see above). In his maturity, he became a well-known law professor and commentator on Islamic law with a number of publications, including Outlines of Muhammadan Law (1949 and reprints) and Compendium of Fatimid Law (1969).
BADRUDDIN TYABJI (1844–1906) was the fifth of six sons of Cambay merchant, Tyab Ali, from which the renowned Tyabji clan of Bombay—to which Atiya belonged—chart descent. Having completed most of his studies in Britain, Badruddin returned to India in 1867 to become the first Indian barrister in the High Court of Bombay. Later, in 1895, he was appointed the first Muslim and third Indian judge of the Bombay High Court and then, in 1903, the first Indian chief justice. His successful practice enabled him not only to support a large family (he and his wife, Bibi Rahat un Nafs, had eighteen children), but also to become involved in numerous public activities. Specifically, he was elected to Bombay’s municipal corporation between 1873 and 1886, acted as a member of the University of Bombay senate between 1875 and 1905, and was appointed to the Bombay legislative council between 1882 and 1886. He also played a key role in founding the Bombay Presidency Association in 1885, which, in the same year, hosted the first meeting of the Indian National Congress—an organization that Badruddin himself presided over at its third session in Madras in 1887. At the same time, Badruddin demonstrated his commitment to the Muslim community by co-founding the reformist Anjuman-i-Islam and encouraging the establishment of social clubs for Bombay Muslims, including the Islam Club and (p.241) the Islam Gymkhana. In 1903, he also acted as president of the Muhammadan Educational Conference when it met in Bombay, using it as a forum to promote female education and attack purdah—two causes that must have inspired his younger female relatives, including Atiya and her sisters. He died suddenly less than a month before Atiya’s journey (on 19 August 1906) while himself visiting Britain, which accounts for her reference in her entry for 10 September 1906 to his planned return journey.19 Atiya’s title for him reflects his status as respected among the deceased (Janab-i-mukarram), as well as his relationship to her as uncle (chacha)—though, strictly, he was not her paternal uncle as chacha implies, but her great-uncle on her mother’s side (as the brother of her mother’s father).
BADSHAH, BORZUJI. No more is known about this man beyond what Atiya provides in her entry for 13 October 1906.
BAKER, M.E. Though no more is known about this woman’s identity before coming to the college, it is recorded that she graduated in December 1906 after passing her examinations for the Cambridge Teachers’ Syndicate.20 Subsequently, she took a position as assistant mistress at the Central High School in Newcastle, then at a private school in Ripon in Yorkshire, that, presumably, allowed her to repay the debt to her aunt described by Atiya in her entry for 1 December 1906.21
BAKER, MISS, was, by 27 May 1907 when Atiya reports attending her party, a former staff member at Maria Grey Training College. There she had been responsible for leading physical exercise ‘on the Swedish System’, as developed by Per Henrik Ling (1776–1839), after training with one of his pupils at the Hampstead Gymnasium.22 She had left Maria Grey in December 1906 to take up a new appointment, though it is not clear where the school was that Atiya describes.
BARODA, GAJRABAI, THE MAHARANI of (1871–1958), known as Chimnabai II, married Sayaji Rao III, the maharaja of Baroda (see below), in 1885. Subsequently, she, too, became involved with women’s reform. Not only did she stop observing purdah herself within Baroda in 1914, but she also was appointed life patron of the National Council of Women in India in 1925 and president of the first All Indian Women’s Conference in Pune in 1927.23 Inspired by the contrasts that she had observed during her travels, she also co-authored a book with S.M. Mitra called The Position of Women in Indian Life (1911) in which she covered topics as diverse as philanthropy, economics, landownership, and the arts.24
BARODA, THE GAIKWAR, SAYAJI RAO III, MAHARAJA OF(1863–1939), ascended to the throne in 1875 after being adopted by the former maharani as legitimate heir to this important princely state in Gujarat. Invested with governing powers in 1881, he became known as a model ruler on account of his active administration and interest in reform with a focus on education, legal rights for women, and ending (p.242) caste discrimination. Though his relationship with the British government in India began well, it deteriorated after 1887 when he began spending long periods of time in Britain where he bought several homes, including the former residence of Lord Tennyson at Aldworth in Sussex. Matters came to a head in 1911 on account of his apparent willingness to tolerate the publication of ‘seditious’ material within his territories and insult the king-emperor at the imperial durbar in Delhi. The situation was eased, however, by his generous donations to the war effort from 1914.25 He married his second wife, Gajrabai (1871–1958), known as Chimnabai II (see above), in 1885. The connection between the Baroda royals and the Tyabji clan appears to have been through Abbas Tyabji (1853–1936) (son of Badruddin’s older brother, Shamsuddin) and his cousin-wife, Ameena (b. 1869) (eldest daughter of Badruddin), being that Abbas was a judge at the Baroda High Court.
BARRINGTON, EMILIE ISABEL (née Wilson) (1841–1933), was a biographer and novelist who, after her marriage to Russell Barringon in 1868, had sought to establish herself as a society hostess for London’s wealthy artistic set. Though she was not entirely successful in this aim, she did become friendly with two English painters and sculptors, G.F. Watts and Frederic Leighton, about whom, as Atiya identifies, she wrote biographies (1905 and 1906). Atiya’s observation in her entry for 9 March 1907 that the ‘people of London regard her with appreciation’ is belied by a contemporary description of her by another woman writer on art, Vernon Lee, as ‘a rumpled, scrumpled little brown paper woman, of uncertain artistic pretensions, a sort of King Charles dog of the neighbouring studios’.26
BASSETT, MISS, was, as Atiya identifies in her entry for 3 April 1907, a student at Maria Grey College at this time. No more is known about her.
BECK, EMMA JOSEPHINE (known as Jessie) (d. 1936), was, as Atiya indicates in her entry for 7 October 1906, younger sister of the late principal of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, Theodore Beck. It is known that their parents, described in the same entry, were Quakers. Miss Beck had been appointed honorary secretary of the Committee for Supervising the Education of Students of the National Indian Association in April 1906—so only shortly before Atiya arrived in Britain.27 It was on this basis that she had responsibility for meeting newly arrived Indian students, like Atiya, as she did on 17 September 1906 (rather than through the India Office, as Atiya states in the same entry). Nonetheless, Miss Beck had already become a celebrated figure in NIA circles on account of the hospitality that she offered to Indian students in Britain—her own residence being described as ‘practically open house’ and ‘a home from home’ for this group.28
BHOWNAGGREE, MANCHERJEE M. (1851–1933), was the son of a wealthy Parsi merchant from Bombay who had worked in journalism before accepting employment in the princely state of Bhavnagar in Gujarat’s Kathiawar peninsula (p.243) in 1872. It was in this service that he first came to England 10 years later, though it was not until 1891 that he made it his home. He is best known for having been the Conservative MP for Bethnal Green in London from 1895 until he was defeated in the Liberal landslide of 1906—so just before Atiya met him on 26 January 1907, though she still grouped him with ‘members of parliament’. While in office, he acted as an unabashed supporter of British imperialism and a critic of the Indian National Congress—with the effect that he faced widespread derision in India.29
BILLIMORIA, MR. No more is known about this man beyond what Atiya provides in her entry for 13 October 1906.
BILLINGTON, MARY FRANCES (1862–1925), was, as Atiya intimates in her entry for 18 September 1906, a pioneering female journalist who worked at the Daily Telegraph (London) from 1897 until her death in 1925. In 1895, she had also, as Atiya explains, published a book entitled Women in India that brought together 28 articles on the subject that she had written for the Daily Graphic (London) during two visits to the subcontinent.30
BLAIR, MISS. No more is known about this woman’s identity.
BLOOD, LADY CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH (d. 1948), was the second daughter of Sir Auckland Colvin, a former finance member of the Viceroy’s Council (from 1883) and Lieutenant Governor of India’s North-Western Provinces (from 1887).31 Following their marriage in 1883, she was also the wife of Sir Bindon Blood (see next entry). Though both her father and husband were colonial administrators, neither was assigned to Bombay Presidency at any point in their career, so it is not clear why Atiya would have known her ‘very well’, as she asserts in her entry for 3 March 1907.
BLOOD, SIR BINDON (1842–1940), was, at Atiya suggests in her entry for 3 March 1907, an army officer who, after being posted to India in 1871, spent most of the next 35 years there with the exception of a few short periods of active service in South Africa and Egypt. The ‘battles’ that Atiya refers to would have included a ‘punitive expedition’ against the Jowaki Afridis in the Northwest Frontier (1877–8), the Anglo-Zulu War (1879), the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1880), the battle of Tell al-Kebir in Egypt (1882), and those involving the Chitral relief force (1895–6) and the Malakand field force (1897) in northern India. Shortly before Atiya’s discussion of his wife’s loss of her jewellery, Sir Bindon had been promoted to the rank of full general at which he retired to England in late 1907.32
BONNERJEE, HEMANGINI (d. 1910), was, when Atiya describes meeting her in June 1907, the recent widow of W.C. Bonnerjee (see below). Since 1890, she had been responsible for running Kidderpore, their three-storeyed Victorian dwelling in Croydon in Surrey, not only as a home for their eight children, but also as an ‘oasis’ for Indian students in Britain—many of whom would gather (p.244) there on Sundays for ‘real Indian dinner’ and the singing of hymns around the piano in reflection of Hemangini’s conversion to Christianity. Not too long after Atiya met her, she chose to return to India to be with her elder children where she died a couple of years later.33
BONNERJEE, WOMESH CHUNDER (1844–1906), was a Bengali lawyer and politician, perhaps best known for his presidency of the first Indian National Congress in 1885. He first came to England to study law between 1864 and 1868. His experience then so convinced him of the superiority of English ways that he purchased a house in Surrey in 1890 at which he spent most of his time until his death shortly before Atiya’s arrival in London in 1906.34 The daughter mentioned in Atiya’s entry for 4 March 1907 could have been any one of four: Nalini (known as Nellie) (b. 1871), Susila (known as Susie) (b. 1872), Pramila (known as Milly) (b. 1881), or Janaki (1886–1963). But, as Susie and Milly were reported to be in Calcutta from the beginning of 1907, Nellie had been married several years before and Janaki was studying at Newnham College in Cambridge at this time, it seems most likely that it was Janaki.35
BRINE, MRS. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 23 November 1906.
CAMRUDDIN ABDUL LATIF (1856–c. 1927) was the husband of Atiya’s cousin, Vazirunissa (see below) and, thus, founder of the Latifi branch—or Latifiyah, as Atiya calls them—of the Tyabji clan. It appears that he had come to Britain initially to study medieval and modern languages at St John’s College in Cambridge, receiving his BA in 1901.36 He was then elected to a foundation scholarship to study law for two years during which he was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1902 as the Barstow law scholar.37 In 1904, he was elected to a McMahon law studentship (with an annual value of £150), which, as it was tenable for four years, he may still have held when Atiya visited in 1906–7.38 Subsequently, he seems to have appointed as a justice of the peace. He was certainly described in these terms in The Times when his son, Alma Latif, of the Punjab Civil Service, married Naseema, fifth daughter of Badruddin Tyabji (see above), in a ‘wedding of a character said to be unprecedented in this country’ in London in 1908.39 Camruddin also played an influential role in Indian and Muslim organizations in Britain, including the National Indian Association,40 a committee of ‘Indian Mahomedans’ formed in 1907 to raise a memorial in memory of Nawab Mohsinul-Mulk in Aligarh,41 the Haidarabad Disaster Fund Committee,42 a committee formed in 1909 to congratulate the people of Turkey on having introduced constitutional changes,43 the advisory committee formed by the India Office to assist Indian students in Britain,44 the Indian Guild of Science and Technology,45 and the All-Indian South African League.46 Along with Syed Ameer Ali (see above), he was also a key figure in the London branch of the All India Muslim League, acting as vice-president from its establishment in 1908,47 joining the deputation to Lord Morley on Indian reforms in 1909,48 writing letters to the (p.245) editor of The Times on missionary attacks to Islam and the ‘Balkan question’ in 1912,49 and participating in the conflict between the London branch and the Indian organization in 1913.50 Perhaps he should be best remembered in Britain, though, for his role in seeking to establish London’s first mosque in 1911, though the plan did not come to fruition until later.51
CASE, E. MABEL, was the warden of the Maria Grey College residence, Winkworth Hall, from when temporary arrangements were made for students in 1898 until her retirement in 1909. From Atiya’s entries (18, 19, 23, 26 September 1906, 1, 3 October 1906, 4, 5, 9, 18, 24 March 1907), one gets the sense that she was viewed, as it was specified in the college magazine, as ‘inseparable’ from the hall.52
COLDSTREAM, WILLIAM (1841–1929), had acted as an administrator in India for 34 years after joining the ICS in 1860. Though he was a ‘strong’ Evangelical with an ‘abiding sense of religious duty’, this conviction was observed to have broadened his ‘Indian sympathies’. Upon his return to Britain, he became ‘prominent in the London community specially interested in India’, serving on committees of the Imperial Institute, the Royal Society of Arts, the East India Association, the Northbrook Society, a number of missionary organizations and, as on the occasion described by Atiya in her entry for 10 December 1906, the National Indian Association. For his ‘keen interest in young Indians studying in London’, he was granted a Kaiser-i-Hind medal in 1914.53
COOCH BEHAR, SUNITI DEVI THE MAHARANI OF (1864–1932), was the daughter of renowned Bengali social reformer, Keshub Chandra Sen (1838–84). In 1878, she married Nripendra Narayan, the maharaja of Cooch Behar (1862–1911), after which she was known by her royal title. Though based in the fairly remote northeast of India, the Cooch Behar couple became renowned for their westernized lifestyle facilitated by long periods in Europe. Their keen participation in Edwardian London’s glittering social scene, as exemplified by their position as vice-patrons of the National Indian Association, is borne out by the innumerable references to their activities in the ‘Court Circular’ column of The Times—as many as 23 in a four-month period in 1902.54 In time, their younger son and eventual successor, Prince Jitendra Narayan, and daughter-in-law, Indira (daughter of Sayaji Rao III, the maharaja of Baroda, and his wife, Chimnabai: see above), were to take on their mantle in London society, as was their granddaughter, Gayatri Devi, the third wife of the maharaja of Jaipur.55
COTTON, SIR HENRY JOHN STEDMAN (1845–1915), was a positivist and former administrator in India, who, while serving in Bengal and Assam, had spoken out against British imperial rule and, after retirement in 1902, joined the British committee of the Indian National Congress. His presence at the Houses of Parliament during Atiya’s visit on 1 August 1907 was on account of having been elected to the Commons in the Liberal sweep of 1906 after which he, in the words of his biographer, became ‘leader of a radical pro-India parliamentary group’.56
(p.246) CRISP, FRANK (later Sir) (1843–1919) was the husband of Mrs Catherine Crisp (see below) and a reputed barrister belonging to the firm, Ashurst, Morris, Crisp & Co. Specializing in company law, he counted foreign railway companies and the Japanese Imperial Navy among his clients, while also acting as legal advisor to the ruling Liberal Party.57
CRISP, CATHERINE (1845/6–1931), was the wife of Mr (later Sir) Frank Crisp (see above). Along with a townhouse in Holland Park, the couple owned the neo-Gothic mansion, Friar Park, in Henley-on-Thames from which they offered lavish hospitality during Henley Royal Regatta, as described in Atiya’s entry for 4 July 1907. Their guests included King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra, as well as Atiya and her friends.58
DAS, MISS. In NIA records, this woman is identified as Miss Saila Bala Das, daughter of M.S. Das of Cuttack,59 though, when Atiya refers to her by her first name, she calls her Sarojini. Perhaps most interesting is that Atiya portrays her far more favourably in her letters written for public consumption than she does in her later reminiscences about her year in Britain, as contained in her book of correspondence, Iqbal (1947) (see Appendix 2).
DAS, MR AND MRS. This couple appear to be Swadesh and Mrs Krishnabhabini Das (1864–1919), who lived in Cambridge for fourteen years while the former worked as a lecturer. They also spent an earlier eight-year stint in Britain from 1882 during which Krishnabhabini wrote an account of her journey in Bengali entitled Englande Bangamahila [A Bengali Woman in England, 1885] that was extracted in English journals, like Calcutta Review.60 Shortly after Atiya met the couple, they seem to have returned to India where Mr Das and their daughter died within a year. Krishnabhabini then devoted herself to promoting female education through the auspices of the Bengal branch of the first all-India women’s organization, the Bharat Stri Mahamandal.61
DICKSON, MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN BAILLIE BALLANTYNE (1842–1925), had begun his military career in the Bengal Cavalry in 1860 before later serving in the Lahore Light Horse, the 18th Bengal Lancers and the Royal Dragoons, including during the Zulu War. His last command was of the 4th Cavalry Brigade in South Africa in 1900 so he would have been retired by time Atiya met him on 20 November 1906, though his interest in India and Islam clearly remained.62
DICKSON, MRS. Presumably, this woman was the wife of the aforementioned Major-General J.B. Dickson (see above).
DUBEY, MRS. This woman’s identity is unclear.
DULEEP SINGH, PRINCESS CATHERINE HILDA (1871–1942), was, as Atiya indicates in her entry for 25 June 1907, the sister of Princess Sophia Duleep Singh and, thus, the elder daughter of Maharaja Duleep Singh (see below). She had toured India just a few years before in 1903, but spent most of the rest of her life in (p.247) Europe, dividing her time between England, Switzerland, and Germany where she lived with her former governess, Lina Schafer.63
DULEEP SINGH, PRINCESS SOPHIA ALEXANDRA (1876–1948), was, as Atiya specifies in her entry for 24 June 1907, one of three daughters of Maharaja Duleep Singh, the Sikh ruler of Punjab exiled after British annexation in 1849, and his German-Ethiopian wife, Bamba Müller.64 Though raised as a British aristocrat, she was known to patronize Indians in Britain—which may account for her attempts to befriend Atiya. She is better remembered, however, for her later suffragette activities in connection with the Women’s Social and Political Union and the Women’s Tax Resistance League. In this context, she was arrested and fined several times in high profile cases in the years leading up to the First World War. The income that Atiya refers to was a sum of £2,3200 inherited on the death of her father in 1893.65 That she and Atiya developed a long-term friendship is evident from pictures of the two, along with Atiya’s husband, Samuel, and others, in the late 1930s.66
DURRAT-UL-VALI (d. 1907) was Atiya’s maternal grandmother (nani)—so the mother of her mother, Amirunnisa, and the wife of the famous Badruddin Tyabji’s brother, Shujauddin. Unfortunately, no more is known about her.
ELLIOTT, LADY ALICE LOUISA (1845/6–1930), was the widow of T.J. Murray of the Indian Civil Service—with whom she bore five children—and, from 1887, the second wife of Sir Charles Elliott (see below)—with whom she had one son. She was said to have a ‘great reputation’ in India as a ‘charming and witty hostess’, a reputation that was upheld in London after the couple’s retirement to ‘Fernhead’ in Wimbledon Park (mentioned in Atiya’s entry for 27 July 1907) in 1895.67 Her skills were also used to the benefit of the NIA as a member of the committee that governed its affairs.68
ELLIOTT, SIR CHARLES ALFRED (1835–1911), was an administrator in India from 1857 until 1895 during which time he served as a somewhat controversial lieutenant-governor of Bengal (1890–95). His reputation was on account of pursuing a revenue survey that undermined the privileges of zamindars (landlords) and annoying Calcutta’s educated middle classes by limiting press freedoms.69 He appears to have attended NIA events, like that described in Atiya’s entry for 1 November 1906, merely in accompaniment of his wife, Lady Elliott (see above). He is discussed in more detail out of this context in Atiya’s entry for 27 July 1907.
EZRA CLAN. Like the Sassoons (see entry on Sassoons), the Ezras were Jews from Baghdad who had emigrated to India in the late eighteenth century. They had gone in search of the ‘tolerance and trading benefits’ said to be provided by the East India Company when the position of minority communities within the Ottoman Empire had become increasingly uncertain. While the Sassoons went to Bombay, the Ezras settled in Calcutta, though the two families did later (p.248) intermarry.70 Indeed, as noted below, Mrs Sassoon’s own daughter, Rachel, married David Ezra—undoubtedly, a relative of the ‘three sisters’ mentioned in Atiya’s entry for 6 October 1906.
FAIZ BADRUDDIN TYABJI (1877–1950) was the great Badruddin Tyabji’s third son. Like his father, he was also a chief justice of the high court, but he is perhaps best known for his book, Principles of Muhammadan Law (1913 and reprints).
FIRTH, CATHERINE, already had a London degree when she entered Maria Grey College in 1905. Atiya’s frequent mentions of her (see her entries for 29 September; 18, 22, 24, 29 November; 3 and 4, 10, 26 December 1906) suggest that they were close friends during her first term. Subsequently, Miss Firth became senior mistress in a private school, then a research student at University College and Westfield College. By 1925, she was a lecturer at Furzedown training college and a well-known author of history textbooks.71
GABBAY, MRS. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 1 December 1906. Her name may have been spelled ‘Gabbey’.
GOLDSMITH, M.W., studied for the National Froebel Union Higher Certification at Maria Grey Training College. Subsequently, she, like Miss Baker (see above), took a position as assistant mistress at the Central High School in Newcastle before moving to Ripon in Yorkshire.72
GONDAL, BHAGWATSINGHJI SAGRAMSINHJI, THE THAKUR OF (1869–1944), ruled a small principality in the Kathiawar agency of Gujarat. Having been educated himself at Rajkumar College in Rajkot and Edinburgh University, he became a keen proponent of education, building a college for landowners’ sons and a girls’ high school in his state—indeed, Gondal was the only state in the Western India States Agency where female education was compulsory.73 Interestingly, he also published a European travel narrative, Journal of a Visit to England in 1883 (1886),74 as did his first wife, Nandakunvarba. Recounting a journey in 1899, her account, Gomandal Parikram (1902), was the first travelogue by a woman in Gujarati.75 In light of these shared interests, it is surprising that Atiya does not discuss the thakur and his family in more detail in her entry for 11 July 1907.
GREEN, MALVINA H., was, as suggested by Atiya’s entry for 8 January 1907, one of her fellow students at Maria Grey Training College. Until December 1908, she was studying for the National Froebel Union’s certificate in the Kindergarten Teachers’ Training Division.76 She then went on to teach at a school in north China as a missionary, suggesting that that her apparent friendship with Atiya may have been based on a mutual interest in ‘the East’.77
GUPTA, MRS K.G. (d. 1908), was the wife of the first Hindu appointment to the Secretary of State’s Council for India—a position that had brought the couple to (p.249) London in March 1907 only a few months before Atiya recorded meeting her in June 1907. Associated with the reformist Brahmo Samaj, Mrs Gupta was said to have worked with ‘zeal and devotion in the cause of the liberation of her sisters from lives of compulsory seclusion and ignorance’.78 To this end, she wrote a domestic manual in Bengali entitled Pari Barick Jiban. No doubt it was these interests, along with her desire to offer support to Indian students in Britain, that drew Atiya to her.
GWATKIN, MISS, taught mathematics and Latin at Maria Grey Training College and the Brondesbury and Kilburn High School from 1906 to 1908. Like other staff members, she was extremely well-qualified, having been a certificated student at Newnham College, Cambridge, before obtaining an Oxford Teaching Certificate.79 As Atiya notes in her entry for 7 December 1906, she was also the niece of Lady Elliott (see above).
HAR DAYAL, LALA (1884–1939), had received a scholarship to study Sanskrit at Oxford University in 1905—and thus was a student when Atiya heard him speak at the Imperial Institute on 10 December 1906. Soon after, he became interested in anarchism, a political posture that ultimately led him to become involved with trade union activism in the United States. In 1913, he also joined with other Indians living in the United States and Canada to found the Ghadar Party with the aim of liberating India from colonial rule through violent revolution. The wife to whom Atiya refers, called Sundra, had married Har Dayal around 1901.80
HASAN BILGRAMI, MAJOR SAIYID, was a half-brother of Syed Ali Bilgrami (see above) and a member of the Indian Medical Service, who used his retirement to promote Muslim education.81
HERR PROFESSOR. No more is known about this man’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 20 August 1907.
HERREN, FRAU PROFESSOR. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entries for 20–2 August 1907.
HUGHES, EDWARD (1832–1908), was a highly respected portrait painter known for his depictions of women—which may have been why the group of primarily female Tyabji relatives described in Atiya’s entry for 12 April 1907 was visiting him.82 His daughter, Alice Mary Hughes (1857–1939), was renowned as a portrait photographer in her own right, though, until her father’s death, she continued to live with him and take care of his business affairs.83
HUSAIN BILGRAMI, SYED (1842–1926), also known by his title Nawab Imad ul-Mulk, was a half-brother of Syed Ali Bilgrami and Major Syed Hasan Bilgrami (see above). As Atiya notes in her entry for 18 July 1907, he had, at the time she was writing, just been appointed to the Secretary of State’s Council for India—the first Muslim and only the second Indian to receive the honour. After only two years, he resigned on account of his inability to cope with English winters. He (p.250) then returned to his earlier posting in Hyderabad’s civil service where he was responsible for promoting women’s education in particular.84
IQBAL, MUHAMMAD. see Muhammad Iqbal.
ISMAIL, MISS, appears, like most of the other men and women listed in Atiya’s entry for 3 April 1907, to have been a student in London at this time.
JABIR ALI (b. 1887) was the son of Moinuddin Abdul Ali (1856–98) and Zeenat Tyabji, though, as they had both died at an early age, he was raised by his greatuncle, Amiruddin. As his father was the son of Sakina Abdul Ali (née Tyabji) and his mother was the daughter of Shamsuddin Tyabji (1833–76), both were Atiya’s mother’s cousins. As Atiya specifies in her entry for 19 December 1906, Jabir had come to England just after her in September 1906 to obtain a diploma in agriculture from Cambridge and prepare for the Forest Service examination, a programme of study that took nearly four years. Still, he was unable to find employment upon his return and so spent a number of years in Burma pursuing unsuccessful business ventures (c. 1911–21). After this and his marriage to Safia Tyabji, the youngest (living) daughter of Atiya’s great-uncle Badruddin (see p. 240) in 1915, he finally sought to put his agricultural knowledge into practice by setting up a farm at Chembur near Bombay. It was from this base that he also became involved with Gandhi and the nationalist movement for which he was jailed.85
JERSEY, MARGARET ELIZABETH CHILD-VILLERS, COUNTESS OF (1849–1945), was a political hostess and philanthropist married to Victor Albert George Child-Villers (1845–1915), the seventh earl of Jersey and a former governor of New South Wales (1891–3). At their homes at Middleton Park in Oxfordshire and Osterley Park near Isleworth (discussed in Atiya’s entry for 16 July 1907), they entertained many political, aristocratic, and international guests. This accounts for why her ‘kindness’, as referred to in Atiya’s entry for 6 October 1906, provided the Tatas—and could have provided Atiya—entry into ‘high society’.86
KAPURTHALA, JAGATJIT SINGH, THE MAHARAJA OF (1872–1949), had succeeded his father to the throne of his east Punjab state at the age of just five in 1877, though he was not invested with full powers until 1890. Atiya’s pronouncement in her entry for 11 July 1907 that he was a ‘capable and worthy ruler’ reflected his interest in public health, primary education, and agricultural reform, though his introduction of these measures did not stop the state experiencing ‘major agrarian revolts and bloody communal clashes’ in the 1930s.87 His Spanish mistress, ostentatious Francophilia, and penchant for travel—not just to Europe, but also to North Africa, the Americas, Southeast and East Asia—meant that he was also ‘among the best known of Indian Princes outside that country’.88 The crown prince that Atiya mentions was Paramjit Singh (1892–55), who, thanks to his father’s longevity, never really ruled, only being granted the Kapurthala title and privy purse in 1949.
(p.251) KAPURTHALA, RANI KANARI OF, was the fourth wife of Maharaja Jagatjit Singh (see above). From Atiya’s tribute in her entry for 11 July 1907, it may be surmised that she and the Rani were old friends.
KINGSTON, THE COUNTESS OF, was a fixture at high society gatherings in Edwardian London, though her main residence was in Ireland.89 Her connection with India and the NIA that led her to be present at the gathering described by Atiya in her entry for 1 November 1906 is not clear.
KINNAIRD SISTERS. See Kinnaird, Emily.
KINNAIRD, EMILY CECILIA (1855–1947), was one of three unmarried daughters of the philanthropist and founder of the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA), Lady Kinnaird (1816–88)—the others being Louisa Elizabeth Kinnaird (1848–1926) and Gertrude Mary Kinnaird (1853–1931). Gertrude was often in India with the Zenana Bible and Medical Missionary Society, while Louisa and Emily were known to live together—so it may be assumed that it was these latter two that Atiya referred to as the ‘Kinnaird sisters’ in her entry for 7 June 1907. Both were involved with their mother’s various projects, though Louisa focused on the London Bible and Domestic Mission, while Emily was most committed to the YWCA. Emily was also involved with the Zenana Bible and Medical Missionary Society, travelling to India with Gertrude in 1905–6 shortly before Atiya’s arrival in London—which perhaps accounts for Emily’s interest in meeting Atiya, as referred to in Atiya’s entry for 5 June 1907.90
LAWRENCE, DAME MAUDE AGNES (1864–1933), had, after serving on the London and Westminster school boards and the London county council education committee, been appointed chief woman inspector of the Board of education in 1905—hence, her location in Whitehall when Atiya met her on 28 May 1907. As Atiya notes, she was the daughter of John Laird Mair Lawrence, first baron Lawrence (1811–79), who, at the time of Maude’s birth, had been the viceroy of India.91
LAWRENCE, ESTHER, was principal of the Froebel Educational Institute from 1901 until 1931 during which time its training college grew nearly five-fold and the course extended to three years.92 Unfortunately, no more is known about her.
LEE-WARNER, SIR WILLIAM (1846–1914), served as an administrator in India from 1869 to 1895 during which time he had, most notably, reasserted Britain’s control over the princely states as political and judicial secretary to the Bombay government (from 1887). In 1895, he returned to England to take up a post in the India Office such that, when Atiya met him in 1906, he was in the middle of a ten-year appointment to the secretary of state’s council. Interestingly, one of his responsibilities in that capacity was to chair a committee in the second year of Atiya’s stay to investigate the position of Indian students in Britain. The (p.252) contents of the final report were considered so controversial—on the basis that they were ‘open to misrepresentation and might offend Indians’—that they were suppressed until they were finally published as an appendix to a later report on Indian students in Britain, the Lytton Report, in 1922.93 During Atiya’s visit, Lee-Warner was also a member of the NIA council and perhaps chairman of the Indian section of the Royal Society of Arts that organized Yusuf Ali’s talk, as described in Atiya’s second entry for 10 December 1906. His derogatory comments on Indian Muslims on this occasion, as reported by Atiya, were not entirely unexpected in light of his untiring defence of the British Empire in India in articles and books written throughout his life.94
LESLEY, MRS. This woman’s identity is unclear.
LEVY, MISS, was described in Atiya’s later book of correspondence with Iqbal (see Appendix 2) as ‘well-known in London’ as a student of language and/or philosophy.
LOW, SIDNEY (later Sir) (1857–1932), was a journalist and author, who had edited the staunchly pro-empire St. James’ Gazette throughout the 1880s and 1890s. In 1898, he moved to the Standard, taking a post that enabled him to travel to India in 1905 as special correspondent during the tour of the Prince and Princess of Wales. This experience led to the publication of his most popular work, Vision of India—described as a ‘subtle and sensitive portrayal of Indian life and society’— in the year of Atiya’s arrival in Britain. The woman that Atiya refers to in her entry for 3 February 1907 would have been Low’s first wife, Eliza (1854/5–1921), whom he had married in 1887.95
LYALL, LADY FLORENCE, was a member of the NIA council of which her husband, Sir Charles Lyall (see below), was chairman at the time of Atiya’s visit.
LYALL, SIR CHARLES (1845–1920), was chairman of the NIA council at the time of Atiya’s visit. In 1898, he had also been appointed judicial and private secretary of the India Office in London after more than 30 years in the Indian Civil Service (1867–98). During that time, he had also established his reputation as one of Britain’s foremost scholars of ‘Eastern languages’.96
MACLEAN, SIR FRANCIS WILLIAM (1844–1913) was, as Atiya indicates in her entry for 9 September 1906, chief justice of the Calcutta high court from 1896 to 1909. During that time, he also acted as chairman of the Indian Famine Relief Fund Committee (1897, 1900, and 1907) and vice-chancellor of Calcutta University (1898–1900).97 She seems to be in error in calling him Charles.
MAJOR, MISS A.J., had been appointed assistant honorary secretary of the Committee for Supervising the Education of Students of the National Indian Association in April 1906—so only shortly before Atiya arrived in Britain.98 It was on this basis that she, along with Miss Beck (see above), had responsibility for meeting newly arrived Indian students (rather than through the India Office, as Atiya states in her entry for 17 September 1906).
(p.253) MANNING, MISS (ELIZABETH) ADELAIDE (1828–1905), was an educationalist and social reformer who, as Atiya states in her entry for 17 September 1906, would have been ‘known to every Indian’ for her key role in building ‘Anglo-Indian understanding’ through the National Indian Association. As well as acting as general secretary and editor of the organization’s magazine from 1877, she also took responsibility for meeting and providing hospitality to Indian students in Britain—which was why, shortly after her death in 1905, she would have been replaced by Miss Beck and Miss Major in greeting Atiya and her party. Miss Manning’s familiarity to Atiya would also have been on the basis that she was an outspoken advocate of Indian women’s education.99
MARY, MISS. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 4 June 1907.
MASUD AL-HASAN appears, like most of the other men and women listed in Atiya’s entry for 3 April 1907, to have been a student in London at this time.
MIR AYUB KHAN. No more is known about this man’s identity.
MIRZA JAN was the pet name of Kazim Tyabji (1876–1926). As the third son of Camruddin Tyabji (1836–89) and his second wife, Qadar Sultana, he would have been Atiya’s mother’s cousin. Interestingly, he married Shami Bibi Kutchuk, who was the sister of Lady Mirza, the wife of Sir Mirza Muhammad Ismail, famously diwan of the princely state of Mysore (1926–41).100
MITTER, SARALA BALA, was, according to the records of Maria Grey College, a ‘Hindu widow’ who had graduated from Calcutta University before coming to Britain at the age of 41 to do the ‘two year upper division training course’ for women teachers. As was the intention of her scholarship, she subsequently returned to India to become principal of a training college.101 Her name was recorded just before Atiya’s own in the ‘Arrivals’ column—denoting those Indians who had just arrived in Britain—of the NIA’s The Indian Magazine and Review in October 1906.102
MOHSIN TYABJI (d. 1917) was the eldest son of the famous Badruddin and an officer in the Indian Civil Service.103
MORISON, THEODORE (later Sir) (1863–1936), had been professor of English at the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh from 1889 until 1899 at which time he was appointed principal. Though he proved extremely successful in this role, he returned to England for family reasons in 1905, being appointed to the Council of India in the year of Atiya’s own arrival. It has been said that he used this post to express ‘unrelenting advocacy of Muslim claims to representation in government matters’.104
MUHAMMAD IQBAL (later Sir) (1877–1938), was, as Atiya specifies in her entry for 22 April 1907, a poet, writer, philosopher, and politician. He was regarded (p.254) most highly for his literary works in Urdu and Persian, though he is now also revered in Pakistan as the Musawwir-i-Pakistan (or Architect of Pakistan). When Atiya met him in 1907, he was a student, having followed Thomas Arnold (see above) from the Government College in Lahore to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1905.105 Soon after their first meetings, Iqbal proceeded to Munich University in Germany to study for a DPh where, as can be seen later in Atiya’s travelogue and, in more detail, in Atiya’s book of correspondence (see Appendix 2), she met him again.
MUHAMMADI BEGUM (1878?–1908) (also known as Begum Mumtaz Ali) was the ‘lady editor’ of Tahzib un-niswan (Lahore). As well as editing the magazine, she wrote innumerable journal articles, reformist novels, a manual on housekeeping, an etiquette book and a cookbook, while also finding time to pray, cook, clean, and care for children. Thus, in Gail Minault’s words: ‘She proved that it was possible for a woman to “have it all,” even in an Indian Muslim middle-class family at the turn of the century.’106 Undoubtedly, it was for these reasons that she attracted Zehra’s praise and Atiya’s attention (as recorded in Atiya’s entry for 10 December 1906), though it is not known whether Atiya and Muhammadi did meet before the latter’s premature death in 1908.
NAOROJI, DADABHAI (1825–1917), was a Parsi businessman, academic, and politician from Bombay who had first come to Britain in 1855 to open the English branch of the Indian firm, Cama & Co. Subsequently, he was appointed professor of Gujarati (1856–66) and a member of the senate of the University of London before he set up the East India Association in 1866 to lobby parliament in favour of the ‘Indianization’ of the Indian Civil Service. From 1892 to 1895, he served as the first Indian member of the British parliament, using his position to publicize his nationalist critique of colonial economic policy known as the ‘drain theory’—best developed in his Poverty and Un-British Rule in India (1901). That Atiya was invited to his ‘farewell party’ on 10 November 1906 reflects that Naoroji returned to India in late 1906, having stood unsuccessfully for the parliamentary seat of North Lambeth on behalf of the London Liberal and Radical Union earlier in the year. He then presided over the Indian National Congress for the third time (having previously done so in 1886 and 1893) before retiring in 1907.107
NASEEMA TYABJI (b. 1886) was the eleventh child of Badruddin Tyabji and his wife, Rahat un Nafs. With her younger sister, Rafia, she had been sent to England in 1905 under the guardianship of Camruddin and Vazirunnisa Latif to study at a school in Surrey. In 1908, she married the Latif’s son, Alma, in a wedding that attracted much attention in the English and French press.108
NAZLI BEGUM OF JANJIRA (or Jazira, as it is spelled by Atiya) (1874–1968) was the middle Fyzee sister between Zehra (see below) and Atiya. As her title suggests, she had been married to the Nawab of Janjira with the aim of raising the social status of her newly moneyed family.109 Like her sisters, she was a great advocate of women’s education, encouraging her princely husband to patronize (p.255) a number of girls’ schools and proving an active member of national women’s organizations such as the Anjuman-i-Khawatin-i-Islam and the All-India Ladies’ Association.110 In 1908, she also travelled to Europe in accompaniment of her husband (and Atiya on a second journey), writing her own serialized travelogue, Sair-i-Yurop.111
NICHOLSON, MISS, joined Maria Grey Training College in 1906 after studying for the modern language tripos as a certificated student at Newnham College, Cambridge, then completing the Cambridge Teachers’ Training Certificate. She also appears to have had an MA from the University of Dublin, as well as being a recognized teacher of London University.112 While at Maria Grey, she taught classes on the history of education, London set books, voice production and singing, while also offering history lessons at the Brondesbury and Kilburn High School. She was also the conductor of the Choral Society that met at Atiya’s residence, Winkworth Hall, every Tuesday.113
PARRISH, MAXFIELD (1870–1966), was an American painter and illustrator, who, as Atiya identifies in her entry for 26 July 1907, prepared the illustrations for a new version of Arabian Nights published in 1909.114
PUGH, MRS WALTER. No more is known about this lady beyond what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 11 September 1906.
QUICK, MISS. This woman’s identity is uncertain—perhaps a fellow student of Atiya at the college.
RAFIA TYABJI (b. 1890) was the fifteenth child of Badruddin Tyabji and his wife, Rahat un Nafs. With her elder sister, Naseema, she had been sent to England in 1905 under the guardianship of Camruddin and Vazirunnisa Latif to study at a school in Surrey. Soon after Naseema’s wedding to Alma Latif in 1908, Rafia returned to India, marrying a cousin, Hasan, to whom she had been engaged from a very young age, in 1909. Naseema and Rafia’s younger sister, Safia, offers a particularly full description of the character and countenance of her favourite sister, ‘Raffoo’, in her manuscript memoirs.115
RAVERTY, J., appears, like most of the other men and women listed in Atiya’s entry for 3 April 1907, to have been a student in London at this time.
REAY, DONALD JAMES MACKAY, the eleventh Lord (1839–1921), though born and raised in the Netherlands, had been appointed governor of Bombay from 1885 to 1890 after succeeding to his father’s Scottish title in 1876 and becoming a naturalized Briton in the following year. Liberal in outlook, his tenure, falling during Atiya’s childhood, has been described as ‘enlightened’ on account of his attempts to promote education, develop communication networks and tackle corruption.116 Upon his return to Britain, he continued to be involved with a number of organizations and projects connected with India, including the Royal Asiatic Society (of which he was president from 1893 until 1921), a school of (p.256) oriental studies and, as we see in Atiya’s entry for 28 May 1907, the League of the Empire.
REAY, LADY FANNY GEORGIANA JANE (d. 1917), was the wife of Lord Reay (see above) whom she had taken as her second husband in 1877. Unfortunately, no more is known about her.
REESE, MISS. No more is known about this woman or her sisters other than what Atiya tells the reader in her entries for 10 October 1906 and 24 May 1907.
RICE, LADY MARGARET (1875–1959), was the wife of Walter FitzUryan Rice, seventh Baron Dynevor (1873–1956), a Welsh military officer, civil servant, and politician. Among other posts, he served as assistant private secretary to Lord Hamilton, the secretary of state for India, from 1899 to 1903.117 Lady Margaret’s mother, as referred to by Atiya in her entry for 2 February 1907, was Margaret Elizabeth Child-Villers, the wife of the seventh earl of Jersey (see above). As noted in her entry for 16 July 1907, Atiya had been introduced to the countess of Jersey in India, which was how she was able to make the comparison.
RIFAT BEG. No more is known about this gentleman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 4 March 1907.
RIPON, GEORGE FREDERICK SAMUEL ROBINSON, first marquess of (1827–1909), was a radical politician attached to Gladstone’s Liberal Party. Despite his distaste for imperialism, he had been appointed to a number of high profile positions associated with India, including undersecretary of state for India in 1861, secretary of state for India in 1866, and viceroy of India in 1880. By the time that Atiya met him in May 1907, he was a ‘pixie-like elder statesman’, according to one biographer, acting as lord privy seal and leader of the Liberals in the Lords.118
RITCHIE, JOHN GERALD (1853–1921), formerly of the Bengal Civil Service, had, at the time of Atiya’s visit, most recently served on the Education Committee of the London County Council—an elected position, but not one equal to MP, as Atiya describes him in her entry for 6 January 1907.119 Her comment that he had ‘stayed long’ in India was appropriate being that he had actually been born there while his own father served in the Indian Civil Service. Reflecting these experiences, he published a collection of his father’s letters and his own reminiscences of India later in life under the title The Ritchies in India. He was described in his obituary as ‘Liberal in politics and feelings’, which perhaps accounts for why he—and, indeed, his daughter—so appealed to Atiya.120
ROY, LEELA, was the daughter of Mrs P.L. Roy. No more is known about her than what Atiya tells the reader in her entries for 19 April and 25 July 1907.
ROY, MEERA, was the daughter of Mrs P.L. Roy. No more is known about her than what Atiya tells the reader in her entries for 19 April and 25 July 1907. (p.257) ROY, MRS P.K., was a leading spokeswoman of the Brahmo movement in Bengal. Her interest in female education led her to be appointed to the Female Education Committee for East Bengal in 1909.121 Along with her sister, Abala Bose, she was also involved with the establishment of the Nari Shiksha Samiti to promote ‘primary education, village textbooks, female teachers’ training and the publication of textbooks’ in 1919 and the Bengal Women’s Education League to lobby the provincial government in favour of female education in 1927.122 It is not clear when Atiya would have met her, but their shared interests are evident.
ROY, MRS P.L., is known to have participated in the suffrage campaign in Britain, serving on the committee of the Women’s Social and Political Union that organized an Indian contingent for the women’s coronation procession in 1911.123 Unfortunately, little else is known about her other than what Atiya tells the reader in her entries for 24 September 1906; 19 April, 15 July, and 25 July 1907.
SALE, LADY. This woman’s identity is not clear. She was not a member of the NIA’s council, like most others with whom she is listed in Atiya’s entry for 1 November 1906.
SALE, MRS, was the wife of Stephen George Sale (1852–1934). As Atiya identifies in her entry for 1 September 1906, he was a judge in Calcutta and later a legal adviser to the India Office.124
SALMAN TYABJI (b. 1883) was the second youngest son of Badruddin Tyabji, so Atiya’s mother’s cousin. At the time of Atiya’s visit, he was studying engineering at Cooper Hill in Surrey, then the home of the Royal Indian Engineering College that trained engineers, telegraphists and forestry officers for service in India.125
SAMUEL, MISS, as introduced in Atiya’s entry for 3 March 1907, may have been the daughter of Jewish merchant, Samuel Samuel (1855–1934). With his better-known brother, Marcus (founder of the Shell Transport and Trading Company, a precursor to Royal Dutch-Shell; Lord Mayor of London, 1903; and Baron Bearsted, of Maidstone), he founded the trading company, Samuel Samuel & Co., in Yokohama to facilitate trade with Japan.126 Subsequently, Samuel entered politics, sitting as a Conservative Member of Parliament for Wandsworth (1913–18) and Putney (1918–34). It may be surmised that Miss Samuel and Atiya became good friends, as the latter records that they met on several occasions for meals, parties and outings (see Atiya’s entries for 4 and 9 March and 3 July 1907). They also met repeatedly during Atiya’s subsequent trip to Europe with her sister, Nazli, in 1908. From Nazli’s travelogue, Sair-i-Yurop, it is also known that the Samuels were well-connected in artistic and political circles, and, like many wealthy Jews from the East End of London, benefactors of the London Hospital in Whitechapel.127
SASSOON, MOZELLE (1884–1921), was the daughter of Mrs Flora Sassoon (see below). She was said to be ‘condemned to years of helpless suffering’ on account of a spinal injury incurred when her nurse dropped her as a baby.129
SASSOON, RACHEL, was the daughter of Mrs Flora Sassoon (see below). At about the time that Atiya met her in London, she was described as a ‘lively girl of marriageable age’.130 Subsequently, she married David Ezra and settled permanently in Calcutta.131
SASSOON, FLORA (née Abraham) (1859–1936), was the granddaughter of Sir Albert (Abdullah) Sassoon (1818–96), chairman of the wealthy Jewish-run, Bombay-based trading company, David Sassoon & Sons. In the mid-1870s, she married Albert’s half brother, Solomon Sassoon (1841–94), who soon after became head of the firm’s Bombay branch when Albert shifted the head office to London.132 Subsequently, Flora and Solomon had three children: a son, David (1880–1942), and the two daughters mentioned in Atiya’s account, Rachel and Mozelle (see above). As well as distinguishing herself as a hostess, she became involved in reformist activities for women, protesting against purdah restrictions and holding gatherings that brought together Hindus, Muslims, Parsis, Jews, and Europeans133—including, perhaps, the women of the Tyabji clan being that Atiya notes in her entry for 25 September 1906 that she knew the Sassoon women ‘from the past’. When Solomon died, Flora astonished Bombay’s business community by announcing her intention to take over the business from her husband until her son was old enough to run it himself. Her efficiency and toughness of spirit gained her respect, not only within the family, but also from colleagues and company mill-hands in Bombay, especially after she took a lead in encouraging inoculation during the plague outbreak of 1896. Nevertheless, when the business began to fail, she was replaced peremptorily on the occasion of the firm’s incorporation as a private company at the end of 1901.134 This dismissal encouraged her to leave Bombay for London where Atiya met her and her daughters on a number of occasions in 1906–7 (see entries for 6 October, 1 and 29 December 1906, 2 January, 2 February, 22, 25, and 27 June 1907).
SCOTT, LADY EDGEWORTH LEONORA (1843–1924), was the widow of Sir John Scott (1841–1904). He had served as a judge of the high court in Bombay from 1883 to 1890 before being appointed judicial advisor to the Egyptian khedive—a role that earned him the epithet of ‘Scott the Just’.135 Like her husband, Lady Scott was said to have a ‘liberal outlook on Eastern affairs’ as demonstrated by her ‘pro-Indian’ letters to The Times. In Bombay, she was also remembered for having started a ‘system of purdah parties’ and supported the Countess of Dufferin’s Hospital Fund.136 At the time of Atiya’s visit, she was an active member of the NIA, serving on the committee that governed its affairs.137
(p.259) SINHA, LADY (d. 1938), was born Gobinda Mohini, daughter of the zamindar of Burdwan.138 In 1880, she married Satyendra Prassano Sinha (1864–1928) who, despite humble origins, was to become distinguished as the first Indian to be named a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, as a provincial governor (of Bihar and Orissa), and as a peer as Lord Sinha of Raipur.139 The couple had four sons and three daughters of whom the two referred to in Atiya’s entry for 23 June 1907 are named as Komola and Romola in her later book of correspondence (see Appendix 2).
SLATER, MISS. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 18 March 1907.
SORABJI, CORNELIA (1866–1954), was a social reformer and barrister born into a family of Parsi Christian converts in Bombay presidency. After studying at Deccan College in Pune, she became the first female graduate in Western India before obtaining a first-class degree in literature from Bombay University in 1888. This success enabled her to travel to Britain for the first time in 1889 to study at Somerville College in Oxford. Over the next three years, she became something of a celebrity in Victorian society (as suggested by Atiya’s entry on 27 June 1907), making strategic use of the trope of ‘the Indian woman’.140 Atiya’s description of her as ‘bar-in-law’ in the introduction to her travelogue is significant because, though Sorabji had sat for the examination of the bachelor of civil law at Oxford in 1892, passed the LLB examination of Bombay University in 1897, and succeeded at the pleader’s examination of Allahabad high court in 1899, she was denied the right to register as a practising lawyer on account of her gender. Only in 1922, after women were admitted to the law degree at Oxford for the first time in 1919, was Sorabji able to return to Oxford to take her law degree, being called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn the following year. Two years before Atiya’s journey, however, Sorabji had been appointed ‘lady legal advisor’ to the court of wards in Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Assam, acting as a ‘kind of liaison officer’ between purdahnashin, their children, and the courts in matters connected with their estates. She was also involved in a number of women’s social and professional organizations, including the Federation of University Women and the National Council of Women in India.141
SPRAGUE, SYDNEY, was, as Atiya identifies in her entry for 26 July 1907, an American author associated with the Baha’i faith, which had, only fairly recently at that time, emerged out of the reformist Babi movement in Persia. He is perhaps best known for having been part of an emissary to the Baha’i community in India about which he wrote his A Year With the Baha’is of India and Burma (1908).142
STEEL, MRS. It is not clear who this ‘memsahiba’, mentioned in Atiya’s entry for 6 September 1906, was, as there were innumerable Steels (and Steeles) resident in Calcutta at this time.
(p.260) TARKHAT, MISS. No more is known about this woman’s identity than what Atiya tells the reader in her entry for 6 January 1907.
TATA, RATAN (later Sir) (1871–1918), was the younger son of pioneering industrialist, Jamshed Nasarwanji Tata (see below). Along with his older brother, Dorab Jamshed Tata (1859–1932), he was responsible for bringing many of his father’s grand projects to fruition, including the Tata Iron and Steel Co. (1907), the Tata Hydro-Electric Power Supply Company (1910), and the Indian Institute of Science in Bangalore (1911).143 He was also renowned as a philanthropist, offering generous patronage to the Salvation Army, endowing a chair at the London School of Economics for research into ‘causes of destitution and poverty’, funding archaeological excavations at Pataliputra in Patna, endowing a house at Shantiniketan for European research scholars and, on his death, leaving much of his wealth to a charitable trust known as the Sir Ratan Tata Trust that continues to operate.144 As Atiya suggests in her entry for 6 October 1906, he and his wife, Navajbai (see below), spent long periods of time in Europe where they purchased fine residences, including, in 1906 during Atiya’s visit, York House in Twickenham from the Duc d’Orleans (see her entry for 18 November 1906).
TATA, MRS JAMSHEDJI, or Berabai (d. 1904), was the daughter of Kharsetji Daboo. In 1858 at the age of ten, she was married to the famed entrepreneur and industrialist, Jamshed Nasarwanji Tata (1839–1904), subsequently bearing him a daughter, who died in infancy, and two sons, Dorab and Ratan, the latter of whom appears in Atiya’s travelogue.145
TATA, MRS NAVAJBAI (d. 1962), was the daughter of Ardesir Merwanji Sett, described as the ‘hereditary head of the priestly caste of the Parsi community’.146 In 1892, she married Ratan Tata (see above). As Atiya explains in her entry for 6 October 1906, she and Navajbai had known each other since they were school girls together in Bombay. In Atiya’s Urdu text, her name is written as Navazbai.
TEMPLE, COLONEL RICHARD CARNAC (1850–1931), was, as Atiya suggests in her entry for 4 March 1907, the eldest son of Lady Temple’s husband, Sir Richard Temple (see below), by his first wife, Charlotte (d. 1855). An officer in the Indian army from 1877 to 1904, he saw active service in the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878–9) and the Third Anglo-Burmese War (from 1885), but his real loves seems to have been Indian history, folklore, and ethnology. In that pursuit, he not only produced the paintings seen by Atiya at the Imperial Institute of the holy city of Haridwar, but he also published Legends of the Panjâb (3 vols, 1883–90), contributed to Panjab Notes and Queries, and, in his retirement, edited a number of geographical and travel accounts relating to India.147
TEMPLE, LADY MARY AUGUSTA (d. 1924), was the widow of Sir Richard Temple (1826–1902), a former administrator in India, who had served both as lieutenantgovernor of Bengal (not India, as Atiya states in her entry for 3 October 1906) and governor of Bombay in the 1870s. After their return to England in 1880, (p.261) Sir Richard had written a series of books and articles, primarily on India, which may account, at least in part, for their substantial library, as described in Atiya’s entry for 3 October 1906. Lady Temple herself received the Imperial Order of the Crown of India in 1878, though it is not clear why. Subsequent biographers have opined that her ‘charm and intelligence assisted a very ambitious man’.148
TOWNBY, MISS. This woman’s identity is unclear.
TYAB ALI AKBAR, Atiya’s nephew, appears to have been the son of her eldest brother, Ali Akbar Fyzee (1861–1923), and his wife, Zubeida Futehally (1868–1919). Various references to him in Atiya’s account (20 September and 17 November 1906) suggest that he travelled with her to Britain to finish his schooling before following in family footsteps and studying law.149
VAZIRUNNISA LATIF was a cousin of Atiya—or, more specifically, the daughter of the half-sister of Shaikh Ahmad whose two sons, Shaikh Dawood and Futehally, had married the sisters of Atiya’s maternal grandfather, Shujauddin150—and the wife of Camruddin Abdul Latif (see above). Along with her husband, she participated in a number of Indian and Muslim events in Britain.151
WARD, MARY AUGUSTA (née Arnold) (1851–1920), was a best-selling novelist, philanthropist, and political lobbyist known by her married name of Mrs Humphry Ward. One of her best known projects was the Passmore Edwards Settlement, a centre set up for the working classes in London’s Tavistock Square that pioneered the children’s play movement in England. Her daughters, Janet Penrose Trevelyan and Dorothy Ward, were both involved with their mother’s educational endeavours and, as such, it is not clear which of them Atiya would have heard speak on the occasion described in her entry for 19 March 1907.152
WATSON, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL THOMAS COLCLOUGH (1867–1917), of the Royal Engineers appears to be the man that Atiya was referring to in her entry for 4 March 1907. He was described in his obituary as a ‘Hero of a Frontier Incident’ on account of his courage during an affray in India’s Northwest Frontier in 1898 for which he was granted a Victoria Cross.153 It is not clear why he would have been ‘discussed in a comic manner’, as Atiya reports.
WEBB, HELEN, MB, appears to have been a prominent female doctor of the late Victorian era and after. By the time that Atiya was taken to see her on 23 September 1906, she had been in medical practice for 18 years and had worked in the women’s hospital on Euston Road for 15 years. She was also known for playing a key role in the Parents’ National Education Union over many years,154 presenting the opening address at the London School of Medicine for Women,155 protesting alongside Florence Nightingale against measures enacted for dealing with contagious diseases in the Indian army,156 chairing the annual meeting of the Clapham Maternity Hospital,157 advocating ‘greater facility of divorce in all classes’,158 speaking out against force feeding of suffragettes in prison,159 signing (p.262) the Council for Christian Witness’ manifesto in favour of a living wage for all,160 and serving on the council of the Baby Week Exhibition in Westminster.161 A prize in her memory is still awarded by University College London, having been founded at the Royal Free Hospital School of Medicine in 1926.162
WEST, SIR RAYMOND (1832–1912), had distinguished himself as an eminent administrator, jurist and judicial reformer in India between 1856, when he joined the Bombay civil service, and his retirement in 1892. He is perhaps best known for his annotated edition of the Bombay code, Acts and Regulations in Force in the Presidency of Bombay (1867–8), and, with Dr J.G. Buhler, the Digest of Hindu Law, but he also served on the Bombay High Court (from 1873), as Procureur-General in Egypt (1884–7) and as judicial member of the executive council of the governor of Bombay (from 1887). Upon his return to England, he was appointed reader in Indian and Islamic law at Cambridge and vice-president of the Royal Asiatic Society—posts that he still held at the time of Atiya’s visit. His defence of India’s Muslims, as described by Atiya in her second entry for 10 December 1906, appears to have been in character for a man who had deemed European criminal procedure ‘unsuited to the needs of an Oriental people’.163
WOODS, ALICE AUGUSTA (1849–1941), was principal (not headmistress, as Atiya indicates in her entry for 11 October 1906) of Maria Grey College from 1892 to 1913. As Atiya explains in her entry for 1 October 1906, she was highly educated, having graduated in the moral sciences from Girton College, Cambridge, in 1880. Under her leadership, Maria Grey’s ‘regime’ has been described as ‘administratively casual but educationally adventurous’, reflecting her continued attempts—including during four study tours of the United States—to observe and study new methods.164 Pointing to her ongoing interest in co-education and progressive methods were her many literary contributions, including an edited collection of essays published shortly before Atiya’s arrival in London on Co-Education (1903), and, in her retirement, Advance in Co-Education (1919), Educational Experiments in England (1920) and George Meredith as Champion of Women and of Progressive Education (1937).
WYLLIE, SIR (WILLIAM HUTT) CURZON (1848–1909) was, as Atiya’s suggests with her incorrect designation in her entry for 26 October 1906 (he was a lieutenantcolonel, not a lieutenant), a former army officer, who had served in India between 1867 and 1901. During that time, he had filled many important posts, including resident to the western states of Rajputana (1892–3), resident in Mewar (Udaipur) (1893–98), agent to the governor-general in central India (1898–1900) and agent to the governor-general in Rajputana (1900–1). Subsequently, he returned to Britain to serve as political aide-de-camp to the Conservative secretary state of India (1895–1903), Lord George Hamilton—which was why he was, in the letter that she received on 26 October 1906, able to offer Atiya any help that she may need on behalf of the India Office. He and his wife, Lady Katharine Georgiana Wyllie, also served on the governing body of the NIA, offering vital support to (p.263) Indian students in Britain. In light of this charitable work, it seems a cruel irony that he was assassinated in 1909 at an entertainment organized by the NIA at the Imperial Institute—very similar to those attended by Atiya—by an extreme Hindu nationalist student, Madan Lal Dhingra, that Wyllie himself had helped.165 But the act is perhaps less surprising if one considers the resentment with which British encroachment and surveillance of Indian students was viewed by a group already trying to cope with ‘racism, alienation, and financial hardship’.166
ZEHRA FYZEE (1866–1940), Atiya’s elder sister, was a leading contributor to Urdu women’s journals, including Tahzib un-niswan (Lahore), Khatun (Aligarh) and ‘Ismat (Delhi).167 She also published a book on women’s health entitled Tandarusti Hazar Naimat [Health is Wealth] (1934),168 and proved an active participant in early women’s organizations. In 1905, for instance, she presided over the first national meeting of Muslim women held in conjunction with a session of the Female Section of the Muhammadan Educational Conference at Aligarh.169 Later, she also attended the Anjuman-i-Khawateen-i-Islam (or All-India Muslim Ladies’ Conference) and, in reflection of her friendship with the ruling Begam of Bhopal, the All India Ladies’ Association and gala women’s events in Bhopal.170
(1.) 22 April 1907, ‘Indian Education’, The Times.
(2.) May 1907, ‘“Bon Voyage” to Shaikh Abdul Qadir’, The Indian Magazine and Review, No. 437, p. 114.
(3.) 2 July 1926, ‘India and the League’, The Times; 23 May 1932, ‘New Indian Agent in South Africa’, The Times; and 17 May 1934, ‘New Member of Council of India’, The Times.
(4.) March 1907, ‘National Indian Association “At Home”’, The Indian Magazine and Review, No. 435, p. 105.
(5.) M.A. Sherif, 1994, Searching for Solace: A Biography of Abdullah Yusuf Ali–Interpreter of the Qur’an, Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust.
(7.) See Atiya’s entries for 18 November 1906, 10 December 1906 and 26 January 1907; and Sherif, Searching, pp. 22–7.
(8.) See, for instance, A. Yusuf Ali, October 1906, ‘A Poet of the Plains’, The Indian Magazine and Review, No. 430, pp. 57–60.
(9.) See his resolution proposed at the NIA’s annual general meeting for 1906 as reported in the organization’s annual report, p. 20.
(10.) Theodore P. Wright Jr, 7 July 2006, personal communication.
(11.) See reports on ‘Lawn Tennis’ in The Times, 1909–39.
(12.) 23 May 1911, ‘Obituary: Syed Ali Bilgrami’, The Times.
(13.) 4 August 1908, ‘Mahomedan Wedding in London’, The Times.
(14.) (p.264) S.V. FitzGerald, 2004, ‘Ameer Ali, Saiyid (1849–1928)’, Rev. Roger T. Stearn, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB), Oxford: Oxford University Press [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/30400, accessed 23 June 2006].
(16.) Mushirul Hasan, 1987, A Nationalist Conscience: M.A. Ansari, the Congress and the Raj, Delhi: Manohar.
(20.) November 1907, The Maria Grey College Magazine, p. 18.
(21.) See The Maria Grey Training College for Women Teachers: Session 1907–8, p. 33; and The Maria Grey Training College: List of Students 1879–1911.
(22.) The Maria Grey Training College for Women Teachers: Session 1905–6, p. 5.
(23.) Geraldine Forbes, 1996, Women in Modern India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 75, 77.
(24.) The Maharani of Baroda and S.M. Mitra, 1911, The Position of Women in Indian Life, London, Bombay, and Calcutta: Longmans, Green & Co.
(27.) Notes for the committee meeting of 11 April 1906 in the minute book of the NIA for October 1903–January 1907, IOPP, MSS.Eur.F.147/9.
(28.) September 1906, ‘Social Amenities of the Last London Season’, The Indian Magazine and Review (London), No. 429, p. 227; also see 4 January 1936, ‘Miss E.J. Beck: Indian Students in London’, The Times.
(29.) Rozina Visram, 2002, Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History, London: Pluto Press, pp. 139–46.
(33.) Visram, Asians in Britain, pp. 83–4.
(35.) Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, 2003, Family History, ed. Antoinette Burton, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 102, 113.
(36.) 21 June 1899, 19 June 1900, and 15 June 1901, ‘University Intelligence’, The Times.
(37.) 18 June 1901, 16 June 1902, and 20 June 1902, ‘University Intelligence’, The Times; and 12 June 1902, ‘Calls to the Bar’, The Times.
(38.) 3 February 1904, ‘University Intelligence’, The Times.
(39.) 4 August 1908, ‘Mahomedan Wedding in London’, The Times.
(40.) 22 November 1907, ‘Court News’, The Times.
(41.) 6 December 1907, ‘Court Circular’, The Times.
(42.) 12 November 1908, ‘The Haidarabad Flood Disaster’, The Times and 4 December 1908, ‘The Haidarabad Flood Relief Fund’, The Times.
(43.) 6 February 1909, ‘The New Era in Turkey’, The Times.
(44.) 4 May 1909, ‘Indian Students in London’, The Times and 4 December 1913, ‘Indian Students in Great Britain’, The Times.
(45.) 20 December 1910, ‘The Medical Profession in India’, The Times.
(46.) ‘Indians in South Africa’, The Times, 2 December 1913.
(47.) 17 November 1908, ‘Indian Mahomedans and Britishrule’, The Times, and ‘All-India Moslem League’, The Times, 7 June 1910.
(48.) 28 January 1909, ‘Lord Morley on the Indian Reforms’, The Times and ‘Mahomedans and the Indian Reforms’, The Times, 24 February 1909.
(49.) 15 March 1911, ‘The Church of England and Mahomedans’, The Times and 20 September 1912, ‘Islam and the Balkans’, The Times.
(50.) 31 October 1913, ‘The All-India Moslem League: Resignation of Leaders’, The Times and 12 December 1913, ‘Indian Moslems. Reconstitution of the London League’, The Times.
(51.) 5 January 1911, ‘A Mosque for London’, The Times and 4 April 1911, ‘The London Mosque’, The Times.
(52.) November 1909, The Maria Grey College Magazine, p. 2.
(53.) 26 April 1929, ‘Mr Coldstream. Lifelong Service to India’, The Times.
(54.) See May–August 1902, ‘Court Circular’, The Times. Also providing an account of their activities is Sunity Devi’s autobiography, 1921, The Autobiography of an Indian Princess, London: John Murray.
(55.) See Lucy Moore, 2004, Maharanis: The Lives and Times of Three Generations of Indian Princesses, London: Viking.
(60.) Krishnabhabini Das, 1996, Englande Bangamahila, edited with an introduction by Simonti Sen, Calcutta: Stree, 1996. For an analysis of this travelogue, see Jayati Gupta, March 2003, ‘London Through Alien Eyes’, Literary London: Interdisciplinary Studies in the Representation of London [http://www.literarylondon.org/london%2Djournal/march2003/gupta.html, accessed 30 June 2006]. For excerpts and analysis of Das’s contributions to English journals, see Shompa Lahiri, 2000, Indians in Britain: Anglo-Indian Encounters, Race and Identity, 1880–1930, London: Frank Cass.
(61.) Dagmar Engels, 1996, Beyond Purdah? Women in Bengal 1890–1939, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, p. 172.
(62.) 18 August 1925, ‘Major-General J.B. Dickson’, The Times.
(63.) Peter Bance, 2004, The Duleep Singhs: The Photographic Album of Queen Victoria’s Maharajah, London: Sutton Publishing, chapter 8.
(65.) Visram, Asians in Britain, pp. 164–8.
(66.) Bance, The Duleep Singhs, p. 122. One of these photos is reproduced here with Atiya’s entry for 23 July 1907.
(67.) 10 March 1930, ‘Lady Elliott’, The Times.
(68.) See minute book of the NIA for October 1903–January 1907, IOPP, MSS. Eur.F.147/9.
(70.) Stanley Jackson, 1989, The Sassoons: Portrait of a Dynasty, London: William Heinemann Ltd, pp. 4–5.
(71.) Irene M. Lilley, 1981, Maria Grey College 1878–1976, Twickenham: West London Institute of Higher Education, p. 49.
(72.) November 1907,The Maria Grey College Magazine, p. 19; The Maria Grey Training College for Women Teachers: Session 1907–8, p. 33; and The Maria Grey Training College: List of Students 1879–1911.
(74.) Bhagvat Sinh Jee, 1886, Journal of a Visit to England in 1883, Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1886.
(75.) Nandakunvarba, 1988, Gomandal Parikram, Gandhinagar: Gujarat Sahitya Akademi.
(76.) The Maria Grey College Magazine, November 1907, 1908, and 1909.
(77.) See a letter from her detailing her experiences in, November 1910, The Maria Grey College Magazine, pp. 2–3.
(78.) 17 August 1908, ‘Mrs K.G. Gupta’, The Times.
(79.) Thirteenth Annual Report. November, 1906. Balance Sheet and List of Subscribers 1905–6. Teachers’ Training & Registration Society, p. 4.
(81.) 10 June 1926, ‘Obituary: Saiyid Husain Bilgrami’, The Times.
(84.) 10 June 1926, ‘Obituary: Saiyid Husain Bilgrami’, The Times; and GailMinault, 1998, Secluded Scholars: Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 207–8.
(85.) Amiruddin Ali, Jabir’s son, 5 January 2006, personal communication Mumbai; and Safia, ‘Manuscript Memoirs’, pp. 1, 112ff.
(87.) Ian Copland, 1997, The Princes of India in the Endgame of India, 1917– 1947, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 131.
(88.) 21 June 1949, ‘The Maharaja of Kapurthala’, The Times.
(89.) See court circular columns in The Times.
(92.) 30 November 1931, ‘The Froebel Educational Institute’, The Times.
(93.) Lahiri, Indians in Britain, p. 14.
(97.) 12 November 1913, ‘Obituary: Sir Francis Maclean’, The Times.
(98.) Notes for the committee meeting of 11 April 1906 in the minute book of the NIA for October 1903–January 1907, IOPP, MSS.Eur.F.147/9.
(100.) Safia Jabir Ali, ‘Manuscript Memoirs of Mrs Safia Jabir Ali’, in Badruddin Tyabji Family papers VI, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi; Theodore P. Wright Jr, 7 July 2006, personal communication.; Theodore P. Wright Jr, 7 July 2006, personal communication.
(102.) October 1906, The Indian Magazine and Review, No. 430, p. 278.
(103.) Theodore P. Wright, Jr’s, 1976, ‘Muslim Kinship and Modernization: The Tyabji Clan of Bombay’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.), 1976, Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India, Delhi: Manohar, pp. 217–38, p. 219.
(106.) Minault, Secluded Scholars, p. 113.
(107.) Visram, Asians in Britain, pp. 126–39.
(108.) See, for instance, 4 August 1908, ‘Mahomedan Wedding in London’, The Times.
(109.) Wright, ‘Muslim Kinship’, p. 227.
(110.) Siobhan Lambert-Hurley, 2007, Muslim Women, Reform and Princely Patronage: Nawab Sultan Johan Begam of Bhopal, London: Routledge, pp. 158– 62.
(111.) Nazli Rafia Sultan Nawab Begam Sahiba, n.d., Sair-i-Yurop, Lahore: Union Steam Press.
(112.) The Maria Grey Training College for Women Teachers: Session 1907–8, p. 5.
(113.) November 1907, ‘Report of the College Session, 1906–1907’, The Maria Grey College Magazine, pp. 1–2.
(114.) Alma M. Gilbert, 2001, Maxfield Parrish: The Masterworks, Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press, third edition.
(115.) Safia, ‘Manuscript Memoirs’, p. 56ff.
(117.) ‘Walter Rice, 7th Baron Dynevor’ [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Rice,_7th_Baron_Dynevor, accessed 21 October 1906].
(119.) ‘Indian Education’, The Times, 22 April 07.
(120.) ‘Death of Mr Gerald Ritchie’, The Times, 19 May 1921.
(121.) Asha Islam Nayeem and Avril A. Powell, 2006, ‘Redesigning the Zenana: Domestic Education in Eastern Bengal in the Early Twentieth Century’ in Avril A. Powell and Siobhan Lambert-Hurley (eds), Rhetoric and Reality. Gender and the Colonial Experience in South Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, p. 60.
(122.) Engels, Beyond Purdah?, pp. 183–4.
(123.) Visram, Asians in Britain, p. 163.
(124.) 1947, Who Was Who 1929–1940, Vol. III, London: Adam & Charles Black, p. 1189.
(127.) See Nazli’s entries for 15 and 19 May, 3, 9, 10, 12, and 14 June, 1908 in her Sair.
(128.) ‘Bar Examination’, The Times, 2 November 1915.
(129.) Jackson, The Sassoons, p. 105.
(135.) 3 March 1904, ‘Sir John Scott’, The Times, p. 6.
(136.) 13 May 1924, ‘Lady Scott’, The Times, p. 16.
(137.) See the minute book of the NIA for October 1903–January 1907, IOPP, MSS.Eur.F.147/9.
(138.) 20 October 1938, ‘The Dowager Lady Sinha’, The Times.
(139.) 6 March 1928, ‘Lord Sinha’ and ‘Obituary: Lord Sinha’, The Times.
(140.) Antoinette Burton, 1998, At the Heart of the Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter in Late-Victorian Britain, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, chapter 3.
(142.) Sydney Sprague, 1908, A Year With the Baha’is of India and Burma, London: Priority Press.
(143.) 7 September 1918, ‘Death of Sir Ratan Tata. A Great Indian Figure’, The Times; and F.H. Brown, 2004, ‘Tata, Jamshed Nasarwanji (1839–1904)’, rev. B.R. Tomlinson, ODNB [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36421, accessed 7 July 2006].
(145.) Brown, ‘Tata’.
(146.) ‘Death of Sir Ratan Tata’, The Times, 7 September 1918.
(149.) See 2 November 1912 and 2 April 1913, ‘Council of Legal Education’ in The Times.
(150.) Wright, ‘Muslim Kinship’, p. 225.
(151.) See, for instance, ‘Court News’, The Times, 22 November 1907; and ‘Court Circular’, The Times, 4 July 1910.
(152.) ‘Mrs Humphry Ward: Her Daughter’s Life’, The Times, 21 September (p.270) 1923; John Sutherland, ‘Ward, Mary Augusta [Mrs Humphry Ward] (1851–1920)’ ODNB [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36736, accessed 23 June 2006].
(153.) 16 June 1917, ‘Death of Col. Watson, V.C.’, The Times.
(154.) ‘Parents’ National Education Union’, The Times, 20 November 1891, 16 May 1900, 18 June 1908, 12 November 1909, 20 May 1910, 15 June 1910.
(155.) 3 October 1893, ‘The Medical Session’, The Times.
(156.) 9 June 1898, ‘Political Notes’, The Times.
(157.) 24 April 1900, The Times.
(158.) 27 October 1910 ‘The Law of Divorce’, The Times.
(159.) 1 July 1912, ‘Forcible Feeding’, The Times.
(160.) 25 November 1913, ‘The Living Wage’, The Times.
(161.) 3 July 1917, ‘Queen at the Exhibition’, The Times.
(163.) ‘Sir Raymond West’, The Times, 9 September 1912; S.V. FitzGerald, ‘West, Sir Raymond (1832–1912)’, Rev. Roger T. Stearn, ODNB [http://www. oxforddnb.com/view/article/36837, accessed 23 June 2006].
(166.) Lahiri, Indians in Britain, p. 194.
(167.) For an example of just one of her articles—on the risks associated with an unsuitable marriage—see Zehra, June 1910, ‘Aap biti’, Khatun, 6 (6), pp. 278–80.
(168.) Azra Asghar Ali, 2000, The Emergence of Feminism Among Indian Muslim Women 1920–47, Karachi: Oxford University Press, p. 117.
(169.) Minault, Secluded Scholars, p. 235.
(170.) Lambert-Hurley, Muslim Women, chapters 2, 4, and 6.