Constitutional and Administrative Law

Food, water, health, housing and education are as fundamental to human freedom and dignity as are privacy, religion or speech. Yet only recently have legal systems began to secure these fundamental individual interests as rights. This book looks at the dynamic processes that "constitute" the legality of economic and social rights. It argues that processes of interpretation, enforcement and contestation each reveal how economic and social interests can be protected as human and constitutional rights, and how their protection changes public law. Using constitutional examples from South Africa, Colombia, Ghana, India, the United Kingdom, the United States and elsewhere, the book examines innovations in the design and role of institutions such as courts, legislatures, executives, and agencies, in the organization of social movements and in the links established with market actors. This comparative study shows how legal systems protect economic and social rights by shifting the focus from minimum bundles of commodities or entitlements to processes of value-based, deliberative problem solving. Theories of constitutionalism and governance inform the potential of this approach to reconcile economic and social rights with both democratic and market principles, while addressing the material inequality, poverty and social conflict caused, in part, by law itself.

On September 11, 2001, terrorism instantly became the defining issue of our time. The resulting debate surrounding the inherent tension between national security and individual civil rights has focused national and international attention on how post-9/11 detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Abu Ghraib, and around the world have been interrogated. All concerned agree that, while interrogation practices represent a crucial meeting ground between human rights and counterterrorism measures, the limits placed on interrogators are perhaps the most difficult to define, for they determine how “far” a civil society is willing to go in eliciting information necessary for its self-defense. This book offers a theoretical analysis and practical application of coercive interrogation and in doing so, suggests developing and implementing a hybrid paradigm based on American criminal law, the Geneva Conventions, and the Israeli model of trial as the most relevant judicial regime. This book creatively utilizes a historical analysis of the system of “justice” for African Americans in the Deep South of the past century to serve as a guide for the constitutional rights and protections that should be granted or extended to an unprotected class. The book then indicates which methods are within the boundaries of the law while providing interrogators the tools required to protect America's vital interests.

Consociations are power-sharing arrangements, increasingly used to manage ethno-nationalist, ethno-linguistic, and ethno-religious conflicts. Current examples include Belgium, Bosnia, Northern Ireland, Burundi, and Iraq. Despite their growing popularity, they have begun to be challenged before human rights courts as being incompatible with human rights norms, particularly equality and non-discrimination. This book examines the use of power-sharing agreements, their legitimacy, and their compatibility with human rights law. Key questions include to what extent, if any, consociations conflict with the liberal individualist preferences of international human rights institutions, and to what extent consociational power-sharing may be justified to preserve peace and the integrity of political settlements. In three critical cases, the European Court of Human Rights has considered equality challenges to important consociational practices, twice in Belgium and then in Sejdic and Finci v Bosnia regarding the constitution established for Bosnia Herzegovina under the Dayton Agreement. The Court's decision in Sejdic and Finci has significantly altered the approach it previously took to judicial review of consociational arrangements in Belgium. This book accounts for this change and assesses its implications. The problematic aspects of the current state of law are demonstrated. Future negotiators in places riven by potential or actual bloody ethnic conflicts may now have less flexibility in reaching a workable settlement, which may unintentionally contribute to sustaining such conflicts and make it more likely that negotiators will consider excluding regional and international courts from reviewing these political settlements.